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, t .*** 




No. III. 

Ctie Etstng of 




*#* A companion.seriesto ^English History from Contemporary Writers.' 

I. The Days of James IV. Edited by G. Gregory 
Sm ITH, M. A. 1 899. Clothy cut edges y i s, 6d, , or top gilt, 
edges trimmed, y. 

II. Mary Qiieen of Scots, 1542-1587.; Extracts from the 
English, Spanish, and -yenetian State Papers, Buchanan, 
Knox, Lesley Melville, Nau, etc' Arranged and edited 
by Robert S. Rait, M.A. Second revised and en- 
larged edition, xxiii-f 327 pp. Cloth, cut edges, 3^., or 
top gilt, edges trimmed, 4^. 

III. The Rising of 1745. With a Bibliography of Jacobite 

History, 1689- 1788. Arranged and edited by C. San- 
ford Terry. xvi -1-322 pp. Portrait, Maps, and 
Plans. Cloth, cut edges, 3J. , or top gilt, edges trimmed, 

IV. The Chevalier de St. George and the Jacobite Move- 

ments of 1703, 1708, 1715, 1717 and 17 19. Arranged 
and edited by C. Sanford Terry. In Preparation, 




i .'■•17. 

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Cf)e 9Ri«itt5 of 

l.'^'^^ 1745 

With a Bibliography of Jacobite History 

1 689- 1 788 





'the life and campaigns of ALEXANDER LESLIE* 



Pour fonder un empire, ilfaut Hen des vertus ; 
Mais pour U renverser, il enfant encore plus/ 









t 1944 L 

Edinburgrh : T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to Her Majesty 


It would be possible to present more than one 
aspect of the last Jacobite Rising, but in these 
pages I have endeavoured to present one chiefly. 
During the Roman occupation of Britain the North 
of the island had triumphantly excluded the in- 
trusive civilisation of the South. To the Roman 
succeeded the Teuton, and out of the racial 
struggles which followed his advent there seemed 
likely to result as clear a demarcation as before 
'^ between North and South, between Celticism and 
- Teutonism. But gradually, and by methods which 

Jgjere fostered from within rather than imposed 
from without, the social, ecclesiastical, and political 
characteristics of English Teutonism found their 
-^way into, moulded and consolidated the northern 
^Kingdom. In the later development of the two 
4, States their centre of political gravity tended con- 
vosistently to establish itself in the South rather 


than in the North, and the Union of the 
Crowns in 1603 and of the Parliaments in 1707 
established it there permanently. But in the 
evolution of that process opposition came from 
the Highland districts of Scotland, which, imper- 
vious to the spread of Teutonism, and strengthened 
by an equally untractable Scandinavian leaven, 
jealously guarded the traditions of a once prevalent 
Celtic society in North Britain. As it had mani- 
fested itself in resistance to the anti-Celtic sym- 
pathies of Malcolm the Third, so it fought its 
last fights in the service of James the Seventh, 
his son the Chevalier de St. George, and his grand- 
son Prince Charles. 

The events with which the following pages deal 
are compressed within the narrow compass of fiftten 
months — from June 1745 to September 1746 ; and 
I have endeavoured to dovetail the contemporary 
materials which I have used so as to form a con- 
tinuous and connected narrative unimpeded by 
intervening explanatory paragraphs and paragraph- 
titles. In Chapter vi. I have drawn almost 
exclusively upon Bishop Forbes's The Lyon in 
Mournings edited by Mr. Henry Paton ; and I 
must acknowledge the invaluable help which I 
have derived from Mr. Walter Biggar Blaikie's 

• • • • ». 


Itinerary in unravelling the tangled skeins of 
the Bishop's voluminous materials. The romantic 
incidents of the Prince's wanderings, and the 
large-hearted loyalty which attended him, will be 
found, I hope, to gain additional interest when 
related in the actual words of his companions. 
It is from these that I have endeavoured to con- 
struct a continuous narrative of that portion of his 

In the Appendix will be found a Bibliography 
of literature relating to Jacobite history in the 
eighteenth century. The Risings called into existence 
an enormous number of pamphlets^ which, while 
they illustrate the spirit and the passions in which 
the contest was waged, do not throw light upon 
its events. These I have sparingly admitted. Nor 
have I attempted to exhaustively calendar modern 
magazine literature. With these exceptions I hope 
I have included the most authoritative contem- 
porary and modern literature upon the subject. In 
this part of my task I cannot omit to record my 
deep indebtedness to Mr. P. J. Anderson for his 
generous aid. 

^ A large number of these will be found in a Catalogue of a 
Collection of Tracts illustrative of British History. Edinburgh : 
Printed for John Stevenson, 1827. 


To Mr. C. H. Firth, Mr. F. Hindes Groome, and 
Dr. T. G. Law I am greatly indebted for their 
kindness in reading the Bibliography in proof, and 
for many valuable additions to it. 

In a forthcoming volume in this Series, I propose 
to deal with the Jacobite movements in 1703, 1708, 
1 715, and 17 19. The Bibliography is designed for 
both volumes. 

The portrait of Prince Charles, from which the 
frontispiece to this volume is taken, was engraved 
from life by Sir Robert Strange, then a young 
man of twenty-four, when the Prince was in Edin- 
burgh in the autumn of 1745. I have to thank 
Mr, W. B. Blaikie for finding for me this very 
rare engraving, which is included in a portfolio in 
the Scottish National Portrait Gallery. I am under 
further obligation to Mr. Blaikie for permitting me 
to make use of the Map in his Itinerary and for 
innumerable acts of kindness and help in my work 
upon this volume. 

I desire to thank Mr. Murray-Threipland for 
permission to reproduce the Prince's letter to Cluny 
Macpherson, written at the end of his wanderings. 

C. S.J. 

King's College, Old Aberdeen, 
June 9, 1900. 




The Highlands — Absence of towns — The lawlessness of the 
Highland districts — The Clans— War-methods of the High- 
landers—Their superiority to the Lowlanders — The Clans 
and the House of Stuart, 1644-1727. 



Revival of the Jacobites' hopes — Prince Charles sails from Dun- 
kirk, but returns — Murray of Broughton visits him at Paris 
— Prince Charles is resolved to come to Scotland — His letter 
to the Chevalier de St. George — His equipment — Sails from 
Nantes — The * seven men of Moidart ' — The ' Elizabeth ' 
beats off the 'Lion,' but returns to France — The Prince 
lands at Eriska — Poor fare and a smoky Inn — Alexander 
Macdonald of Boisdale advises the Prince to return ' home ' 
-^Prince Charles sails to Borradale in Lochnanuagh — 
Macdonald of Kinloch-Moidart and Hugh Macdonald of 
Morar discuss his prospects — Hugh Macdonald bids him 
beware of the Campbells — Clanranald and others visit the 
' Doutelle ' — The Prince is instructed in the use of the plaid 



and lult — Cameron of Lochiel consents to raise his Clan — 
Macdonald of Sleat and the Laird of Macleod refuse to join 
the Prince — The ' Doutelle ' returns to France — Angus Mac- 
donald entertains the Prince — Lochiel, Keppoch, Clan- 
ranald, Stewart of Ardshiel, and the Glengarry Macdonalds 
resolve to raise the Standard — The Prince proceeds to 
Kinloch-Moidart — Keppoch 's Clan commences hostilities — 
Captain Scott and his detachment captured — Murray of 
Broughton and Gordon of Glenbucket join the Prince — The 
Standard raised at Glenfinnan — The Prince's address to 
the Clans. 




The Government has news of the Prince's landing — Sir John 
Cope sets out from Stirling to intercept him — Abandons the 
road to Fort Augustus and proceeds to Inverness — The 
Prince at Invergarry — Receives a proposal from Lord Lovat 
— Is resolved to march upon Edinburgh — Fails to intercept 
Sir John Cope— Marches towards Perth— Proclaims James 
the Eighth there and at Dundee — Accessions to his army 
at Perth — Lord George Murray — Cope's plans — The Prince 
resolves to reach Edinburgh before him — Crosses the Forth 
— Passes Stirling Castle — Enters Linlithgow — The 'canter 
of Colt-Brig' — The Prince summons Edinburgh to admit 
him — Edinburgh's defenceless condition — Sends out a depu- 
tation to the Prince — He demands immediate surrender — A 
second deputation to the Prince — Lochiel surprises the city 
— The Prince makes his entrance— Received by Hepburn of 
Keith at Holyrood— Proclaims James the Eighth — ^Acces- 
sions to his army at Edinburgh— Sir John Cope lands at 
Dunbar — Advances to Prestonpans — The Prince moves out 
from Edinburgh to meet him— Marches to Tranent — Lord 
George Murray's tactics — The Battle of Prestonpans — The 
Prince returns to Edinburgh. 




The Government's preparations — Accessions to the Prince's 
catise at Edinburgh — His Council — Its dissensions — Re- 
solves to invade England — Preparations for that event — 
The Prince's proclamation to his English adherents — The 
strength of his army — Marches upon Carlisle in two columns 
— Affairs in Carlisle — Carlisle capitulates — Marshal Wade 
and Sir John Ligonier's movements — The Prince resolves 
to advance into Lancashire — His march to Manchester — 
Francis Townley and the Manchester Regiment — The Duke 
of Cumberland at Lichfield — The Prince enters Derby — Is 
urged to retreat, and reluctantly consents — Panic in London 
— The Prince retreats to Penrith — The Duke of Cumberland 
follows in pursuit — Catches up the Prince's rearguard at 
Clifton — The Skirmish of Clifton — The retreat continued — 
Carlisle garrisoned by the Manchester Regiment — The 
Prince at Glasgow — Carlisle surrenders to the Duke of 



Events in Scotland, November 1745-January 1746 — Lord Lovat 
and the Frasers — The Skirmish of Inverurie — The Prince 
besieges Stirling Castle — M. Mirabelle de Gordon — General 
Hawley advances from Edinburgh — The Prince awaits him 
at Bannockbum — Advances to Falkirk — The Battle of 
Falkirk — The siege of Stirling Castle continued — Desertions 
from the Prince's army— The Chiefs urge him to retreat to 
the North — His reply — His army withdraws to the North 
in three divisions — The Rout of Moy — The Prince captures 
Inverness — Movements of his forces, February-April 1716 — 
The Duke of Cumberland advances from Aberdeen to Nairn 
— The Prince takes up a position at Culloden — The night 
march to Nairn — The Prince returns to Culloden — Condi- 
tion of his army — Lord George Murray's proposals — The 
Battle of Culloden — Rout of the Highland army — Attempted 
rally at Ruthven— ' Barbarities' after Culloden. 




Edward Burke conducts the Prince from CuUoden — A glass of 
wine with Lord Lovat at Gortleg — The Prince at Inver- 
garry, Glenpean, and Glenbeasdale— Donald Macleod under- 
takes to conduct him to the Isles — The Prince embarks at 
Lochnanuagh — Lands at Rossinish in Benbecula — Pro- 
ceeds to Scalpay and Stornoway — The people of Stornoway 
are afraid to receive him — He sails to Euirn, and thence to 
Scalpay and Loch Uskavagh in Benbecula — The Prince at 
Coradale in South Uist — Despatches Donald Macleod to 
Loch Arkaig for provisions and money — Macdonald of Bois- 
dale and others visit the Prince at Coradale — The Prince 
proceeds to Wiay and Rossinish, and returns to Coradale — 
Sails to Loch Boisdale — Men-of-war in sight — Donald 
Macleod takes leave of the Prince — The Prince and Captain 
O'Neil meet Flora Macdonald near Milton — She agrees to 
conduct him to Skye — An interrupted supper-party — 
'Betty Burke,' the Prince's incognito — The Prince, with 
Flora Macdonald and Neil Maceachain, sails from Ben- 
becula — Lands at Kilbride in Skye — Lady Margaret Mac- 
donald gives her help — Flora Macdonald conducts him to 
Kingsburgh — Entertained by Macdonald of Kingsburgh — 
The Rape of the Lock — The Prince proceeds to Portree — 
His farewell to Flora Macdonald — Arrives at Raasa — Sails 
on to Troternish — 'Lewie Caw' and Malcolm Macleod 
journey on to Ellagol — Mackinnon conducts the Prince to 
the mainland — Macdonald of Morar gives him shelter — At 
Borradale — Captain Alexander Macdonald acts as guide- 
Hard pressed by the troops — At Glenshiel — The lost purse 
. — At the cave in Glen moris ton — The Prince journeys on 
towards Poolewe — Proceeds to Lochiel's country — Joins 
Lochiel in Badenoch — At Cluny's Cage — Proceeds to Ach- 
nacarie — Embarks at Lochnanuagh — Returns to France — 
His reception at Versailles. 


The Forty-five the last expression of the 'Ancient League'— 
Prince Charles's expulsion from France — The Duke of 
Cumberland and the Highlands— The Anglicising of the 
Highlands— Sir Walter Scott and Scotland after the Rising. 











1. Prince Charles Edward Frontispiece 

{From the engraving by Sir Robert 
Strange, ) 

2. The Highland Clans .... to face p, 4 

{Compiled from the Map in Blaiki^s 

3. The Prince's Route .... ,,22 

, {From Colonel Grantees * Chart* (1749) 

in the British Museum. ) 

4. Edinburgh in 1745 »» 54 

{From * The Gentleman* s Magazine^* 1745, 
p. 512.) 

5. The Battle of Prestonpans . . ,, 64 

{By ' an officer who was present. * From the 
facsimile in CadeWs ^ Sir John Cope*) 

6. The Skirmish at Clifton . . . ,,104 

{From a facsimile of the original in Chan- 
cellor Ferguson* s * Retreat of the 
Highlanders. * ) 

7. The Battle of Falkirk ,,124 

{From apian in Home*s * History.^) 

8. The Battle of Culloden . ,,147 

{From a plan in Hom^s * History. *) 

9. Letter from Prince Charles Edward, 

written to Cluny, 20 Sept. 1746, from 

ON board * L*Heureux ' ... ,, 219 

{From the original in the possessiott of 
W. Murray- Threipland^ Esq,) 






Culloden Papers ^ 297.1 

What is properly called the Highlands of Scotland 
is that large tract of mountainous Ground North- 
ward of the Forth and the Tay, where the natives 
speak the Irish language. 

The inhabitants of the lands adjoining to the 
mountains to the northward of those Rivers, in 
the shires of Perth, Forfar, Kincardine, Aberdeen, 
Banff, and Murray, where some sort of Industry has 
prevailed, and where the soil is tolerable, have for 
many years left off the Highland dress, have lost the 
Irish language, and have discontinued the use of 
Weapons; the consequence whereof is, that they 
cannot be considered as dangerous to the Public 
peace, and that the laws have their course amongst 

The inhabitants of the mountains, unacquainted 
with industry and the fruits of it, and united in 

1 From a Memorandum of Lord President Forbes, written 
perhaps in 1746. 



some degree by the singularity of dress and lan- 
guage, stick close to their antient idle way of life ; 
retain their barbarous customs and maxims; depend 
generally on their Chiefs, as their sovereign Lords 
and masters; and being accustomed to the use of 
Arms, and inured to hard living, are dangerous to 
the public peace; and must continue to be so, 
untill, being deprived of Arms for some years, they 
forget the use of them. From Perth to Inverness, 
which is above loo measured miles, and from 
thence to the Western Sea, including the Western 
Islands, there is no Town or Village, of any con- 
sequence, that could be the Seat of any Court of 
Justice the least considerable, except Dunkeld, 
which is within lo computed miles of Perth; 
neither is there any sort of Inn or Accommodation 
for travellers, excepting a few that have been built 
on the King's Roads made by Marshall Wade. Of 
this large tract of land, no part is in any degree 
cultivated, except some spots here and there in 
Straths or Glens, by the sides of Rivers, brooks, or 
lakes, and on the Sea Coast and Western Islands. 
The Grounds that are cultivated yield small quantities 
of mean Corns, not sufficient to feed the Inhabitants, 
who depend for their nourishment on milk, butter, 
cheese, etc., the product of their Cattle. 'Their 
constant residence during the harvest, winter, and 
spring, is at their small farms, in houses made of 
turf; the roof, which is thatched, supported by 
timber. In the summer season, they drive their 


flocks and herds many miles higher amongst the 
mountains, where they have large ranges of coarse 
pasture. The whole family follow the Cattle; the 
men to guard them, and to prevent their straying ; 
the women to milk them, and to look after the 
butter and cheese, etc. The places in which they 
reside when thus employed they call shoelings, and 
their habitations are the most miserable huts that 
ever were seen. 

A Highland Clan is a set of men all bearing the 
same simame, and believing themselves to be 
related the one to the other, and to be descended 
from the same common Stock. In each Clan, there 
are several subaltern tribes, who own their depend- 
ance on their own immediate Chief; but all agree 
in owing allegiance to the Supreme Chief of the 
Clan or Kindred, and look upon it to be their duty 
to support him at all adventures. . . . 

As those Clans or Kindreds live by themselves, 
and possess different Straths, Glens, or districts, 
without any considerable mixture of Strangers, it has 
been for a great many years impracticable (and 
hardly thought safe to try it) to give the Law its 
course amongst the mountains. It required no small 
degree of Courage, and a greater degree of power 
than men are generally possessed of, to arrest an 
offender or a debtor in the midst of his Clan. And 
for this reason it was, that the Crown, in former times, 
was obliged to put Sheriffships, and other Jurisdic- 
tions, in the hands of powerful families in the High- 


lands, who by their respective Clans and follow 
could give execution to the Laws within their se 
territories, and frequently did so at the expeno 
considerable bloodshed. 

AUardyce, Historical Papers, i. 167 

I now proceed to Narrate the Highland followin 
and dependances, beginning in the South at Argy, 
Shire. j 

Campbells. — The Duke of Argyll is their Chieft< 
and . . . can raise out of his own property, Smj 
Vassals, and Kinsmen Lands, 3000 Men, The 
of Broadalbine more than 1000, and the mai 
Great Barrons, Such as Auchinbreck, Arkindlosi 
Lochnell, etc., etc., at least Another looo. So ths 
that Clan Could bring to the field above 5oo< 
Men, besides a Vast many Barrons and Gentlemen, 
not only out of Argyll, but out of Dumbarton, 
Streoling [Stirling], and Perth Shires, and are at 
present the Richest and Most Numerous Clan in 
Scotland. . . . 

Mackleans. — Sir Hector Macklean is their 
Chieften, and . . . [his] was a verry potent Clan 
About 200 years Agone, and Could have raised 
above 800 men, but now that the familie of Argyll 
are possessed of their Chieften's Estate, they will 
hardly make 500, and even Many of these brought 
out of the Duke's Lands. 

1 From a ' Memoriall anent the trae state of the Highlands/ 
ascribed to Lord President Forbes. 








Macklachlen. — The Laird of Macklachlen is the 
Chief [and] can raise 200 Men. 

Stewart of Assin [Appin ?]. — The Laird of 
Assin is the Chief; he holds his Lands of the 
Crown, and can raise 300 Men. 

McDouGALs OF Lorn. — Their Chieften [is] the 
I^aird of Mackdougall, and . . . was a more potent 
familie of old, but now much Diminished by the 
Campbells, and Can (I believe) Still bring out 200 

Proceeding Northward by the Coast and Isles. 

Mackdonald of Slate. — Sir Alexander Mack> 
donald is their Chief. . . . He has a very considerable 
Estate, which holds all of the Crown, and lyes in 
the Isles of Sky and Uist, and can bring out 700 

Mackdonald of Clanronald. — The Chieften is 
Called ... in English, Captain of Clanronald ; he 
has a Very handsome estate ; holds most of it of 
the Crown, which lyes in Moidart and Arisack 
[Arisaig] on the Continent, and in the Isles of 
Uist, Benbecula, Can[n]a, Rum, etc. He brings 
out 700 Men. 

Mackdonald of Glengary. — The Laird of Glen- 
gary is their Chief, who . . . has a pretty good 
estate, all holden of the Crown, which lyes in the 
Countreys of Glengary and Knoidart, both on the 
Continent, and Can bring out 500 Men. 

Mackdonald of Kepoch. — Kepoch is their 
Chieften . . . [but] is not so much as a Propriatar 


of one furr of Land, but only Tacksmen and 
tennants ... in the most part of their possessions 
to the Laird of Mackintosh, and the remaining part 
to the Duke of Gordon, All lying in Lochaber. He 
can raise and bring out 150 men. 

Mackdonald of Glenco. — The Laird of Glenco 
is their Chief . . . but a very small propriatar. He 
holds his lands of Stewart of Apin, and Can raise 
150 Men. . . . 

Camerons. — A very potent Clan in Lochaber. 
The Laird of Lochiel is their Chief, who . . . has 
a good Competent estate, but none of it holden of 
the Crown. The most of it is of the Duke of 
Argyll, and the remainder of the Duke of Gordon. 
He can bring out 800 Men. . . . 

Mackleods. — Were Two distinct and both very 
potent families of Old, Viz. Mackleod of Lew[i]s 
and Mackleod of Harris; both thought to be of 
Danish Extraction, But the former is Utterly 
Extinct, and their Lands purchased and possessed 
by the Mackenzies. The now only Laird of Mack- 
leod is their Chieften, and . . . has a very Con- 
siderable Fortune all holden of the Crown, lying in 
Glenelg on the Continent, and in the Isles of Sky 
and Harris, etc., etc. He can raise and bring out 
700 Men. 

MACKINNONS. — The Laird of Mackinnon is their 
Chief, who . . . holds his Lands of the Crown both 
in the Isles of Sky and Mull, and Can raise 200 


I pass now again to the South to give Account of 
the Inland Chieftens, beginning again at Argyle 
Shire, and from thence proceeding Northward. 

There are Severalls of Qualitie . . . who have 
the Command of Severall Highlanders in the 
Countreys of Argyll, Monteith, Dumbarton, Streol- 
ing, and Perth Shires . . . whom I freely pass over, 
Since for Some Considerable time they have given 
No Disturbance by Armaments or Convocations. 

Duke of Perth. — Is no Claned familie, although 
the head of a Considerable Number of Barrons and 
Gentlemen of the Name of Drummond in the Low 
Countreys. He is brought in here Allennarly Upon 
account of his command of about 300 Highlanders 
in Glenertonie and Neighbourhood. 

Robertsons. — The Laird of Strowan [Struan] is 
their Chief. . . . His Lands holds of the Crown and 
lye in Roinach [Rannoch] and Brae of Atholl. He 
can raise on his own Estate about 200 Men. There 
are near 500 More Robertsons in Atholl who Seldom 
or Never follow their Said Chief, being a part of the 
following of the Duke of Atholl after Named. 

Menziese's. — Sir Robert Menzies of Weem is the 
Chieften, and . . . has a very handsome Estate all 
holden of the Crown, Lying in Apenedull and 
Roinach, and can raise 300 Men. 

Stewart of Cairntullie. — Is no Chieften, but 
has an handsome Estate in Strathbran and Strathtey, 
all holden of the Crown, out of which he can raise 
200 Men. 


Clan Gregore. — Are a people very Remarkable 
for wicked Achievements. ... So that they are at 
present Disguised Under the Severall Names of 
Campbells, Graham, Murray, and Drummond, etc., 
and Dispersed thorrow Dumbarton, Streoling, and 
Perthshires. They . . . can raise among them 500 
Men, and Are rarely Absent from any Great Con- 
vocation, whatever the Quarrell may be, Since 
plunder and Booty is their Bussiness. 

Duke of Atholl. — He is no Claned familie . . . 
but is deservedly placed here upon the Account of 
his extensive following of About 3000 Highlanders, 
a Good Many of them out of his own property, but 
most of them Upon the Account of Vast Superiori- 
ties in Glenamond, Glenlyon, Balquhidder, Strath- 
tay, Atholl, Bishopruk of Dunkeld, Strathardel, and 

Crossing the Grampians we come to Marr. 

Farquharsons. — The only Claned familie in 
Marr, or Aberdeenshire, Are the Farquharsons. . . . 
They Can bring out 500 Men. The Laird of Inver- 
cald is their Chief. . . . 

Duke of Gordon. — Is no Claned familie, Al- 
thou<:h a Chieften of a Very Considerable and oower- 
full Name in the Low countries. . . . His extensive 
Superioritifs and Jurisdictions in the Highlands, 
Viz. in Baden och and Lochaber, does not yield him 
Anv followers. . . . 

Grants. — A Considerable Name and familie in 
Strathspey. The Laird of Grant is their Chief. . . . 


He can raise out of Strathspey 700 Men, and out 
of Urqubart 150. . . . 

McIntoshes. — This was one of the most potent 
Clans in Scotland . . . but the Cammerons having 
purchased most of Said estate has much Diminished 
their power. The Laird of Mackintosh is their 
Chief . . . [and] he can bring out 800 Men, In- 
cluding the Small Neighbouring familis of Mack- 
gillivray, Mackqueen, Mackbain, etc., etc., who all 
own themselves his Kinsmen. His Countreys are 
Brae Lochabar, Badenoch, Strathern, and Strath- 
nern. . . . 

McPhersons. — ^Their Chief is the Laird of Clunie. 
He can bring out 300 Men. His whole Lands, and 
all his Kinsmens lands, are holden of the Duke of 
Gordon and lye in Badenoch. 

Frazers. — Are a Considerable Clan in the 
Countreys of Aird and Stratharrigg. Their Chieften 
is Lord Lovat . . . [who] has a very Considerable 
estate all holden of the Crown, and Can raise 700 
Men. He has a good Number of Barrons of his 
Name, All in Inverness Shire. 

Glenmoriston Grant. — Is no Chieften, neither 
does he ever follow any. He brings out 100 Men. 
His lands are holden of the Crown, and does 
frequently in . Armaments Join with McDonald 
of Glengary. 

Chisolms. — Their Chieften is Chisholm of Stra- 
glass . . . [who] holds his Land of the Crown and 
Can bring out 200 Men. 



McKenzies. — One of the Most Considerable 
Clans Under one head (next to the Campbells) in 
the Nation. The Earl of Seaforth was, and Now 
Lord Fortrose is their Chief. . . . He out of his 
Countreys of Kintaile, Lochelsh [Loch Alsh], Loch- 
broon [Loch Broom], and Lochcaron [Loch Carron] 
on the Continent, and in the Isles of Lew[i]s, etc., 
Can raise looo Men, which is all he can Command. 
The Earl of Cromartie, with 8 or 9 Barrons of the 
Name and an Number of Smaller Gentlemen, can 
amongst them raise 1000 More, but are not Much 
Inclined to follow their Chief. Neither are they in 
Use or Very Apt to Armaments in that Countrey of 
Ross, etc., [and] of late they are much come in to 

Monroes. — Sir Hary Monroe of Foules is their 
Chief. His lands are holden of the Crown, and 
Can raise 300 Men. 

Rosses. — Lord Ross is their Chief. His Lands 
hold of the Crown, and Can raise 300 Men. 

SuTHERLANDS. —The Earl of Sutherland is their 
Chief. Can raise 700 Men. 

Mackays. — The Lord Rae is their Chief. His 
Estate lyes in Strath naver, and he can raise 500 Men. 

SiNKLAiRS. — The Earl of Cait[h]ness is their 
chief and Could raise 500 Men, but his Estate 
being Mostly gone, both it and the followings are 
now in the hands of Sincklairs of Dunbeth and 
Ulpster, etc. . . . 

Ye have Now all the power of the Armed High- 


landers att one View, which ye may perceive to be 
above 20 Thousand, A Sufficient force to have 
Conquered All the rest of the Scottish Nation, if 
they had a mind, and Could but have agreed how 
to Divide the Booty, and Consequently a force that 
was Capable, when United, to Disturb the peace of 
the whole United Island at their pleasure, and 
Might at last, with but a small Conjunction of 
foreigners, have endangered the totall overthrow 
of our Happy Constitution. 

This Was the State of the Nation as to our Scots 
Highlanders before the Rebellion.^ 

Johnstone, Memoirs, 85. 

All kinds of fire-arms are directly at variance 
with the natural disposition of the Highlanders, who 
are quick, ardent, and impetuous in their attack. 
The sword is the weapon which suits them best. 
When they are kept passive they lose their ardour. 
. . . Their manner of fighting is adapted for brave, 
but undisciplined men; They advance with rapidity, 
discharge their pieces when within musket-length of 
the enemy, and then, throwing them down, draw 
their swords, and holding a dirk in their left hand 
with their target, they dart with fury on the enemy, 
through the smoke of their fire. When within reach 
of the enemy's bayonets, bending their left knee, 

1 Cf, accounts of the Clans in Murray of Broughton, Memorials, 
439 ; Lang, The Highlands in 1750 ; Hewins, Whitefoord Papers, 
57 ; Burt, Letters, App. ; Patten, History, 231 ; Ewald, Prince 
Charles^ 73. 


they, by their attitude, cover their bodies with their 
targets, that receive the thrusts of the bayonets, 
which they contrive to parry, while at the same 
time they raise their sword-arm and strike their 
adversary. Having once got within the bayonets, 
and into the ranks of the enemy, the soldiers have 
no longer any means of defending themselves, the 
fate of the battle is decided in an instant, and the 
carnage follows; the Highlanders bringing down 
two men at a time, one with their dirk in the left 
hand, and another with the sword. 

The reason assigned by the Highlanders for their 
custom of throwing their muskets on the ground is 
not without its force. They say, they embarrass 
them in their operations, even when slung behind 
them, and, on gaining a battle, they can pick them 
up again along with the arms of their enemies; but, 
if they should be beaten, they have no occasion for 
muskets. They proved that bravery may supply 
the place of discipline at times, as discipline sup- 
plies the place of bravery. Their attack is so terrible, 
that the best troops in Europe would with diffictilty 
sustain the first shock of it; and if the swords of 
the Highlanders once come in contact with them, 
their defeat is inevitable.^ 

Home, History^ 12. 

Troublesome neighbours, no doubt, [the High- 
landers] were . . . but not at all formidable enemies 
to the government of Scotland, as long as Englard 

1 ^ an army order in Scott, Tales of a Grandfather, chap. Ixxxi. 


and Scotland were separate kingdoms, and under 
different sovereigns; for . . . the Lowlanders . . . 
accustomed to contend with the English, and armed 
and appointed like the warriors against whom they 
fought, were . . . superior to the Highlanders. . . . 
But when James the Sixth succeeded to the crown 
of England [1603] . . . the English and the Scots 
(that is, the Lowlanders of Scotland) at once laid 
down their arms.^ . . . The untasted pleasures of 
peace were delicious to both nations. . . . The 
militia was totally neglected. . . . 

Meanwhile the Highlanders continued to be the 
same sort of people that they had been in former 
times: Clanship flourished, depredation and petty 
war never ceased : then it was that the Highlanders 
became superior to the Lowlanders in arms. 

The alteration of circumstances, which produced 
so great a change, does not seem to have been much 
attended to, nor its effects foreseen, but by the Mar- 
quis of Montrose, who . . . made his way through 
the Low Country of Scotland to the Highlands, where 
he erected the king's standard [1644]. . . . 

The victories of Montrose raised the reputation 
of the Highlanders, and fixed them in the interest 
of the family of Stuart, to which they were naturally 
well inclined ; for, ignorant and careless of the dis- 
putes, civil and religious, which occasioned the war, 
Charles the First appeared to them in the light of 
an injured chief. 

1 Cf, Terry, Life and Campaigns of Alexander Leslie, 42. 


At the restoration [1660], the Highlanders, who 
had given such proofs of their loyalty to Charles the 
First, were in great favour with his sons Charles 
and James the Second, who looked upon them as 
the firmest friends of monarchy, and confided in 
them so much, that . . . Highlanders were . . . 
employed as a body of troops to enforce the laws 
against the Covenanters. 

Soon after the Revolution . [1689], the High- 
landers took arms against the government of King 
William. They were commanded by the Viscount 
Dundee; and, at the battle of Killiecrankie, defeated 
the King^s army, which was greatly superior to them 
in number. . . . 

From the year 1689, the Highlanders kept a 
constant correspondence with James the Second 
as long as he lived, entreating him to procure from 
the king of France a body of troops to invade 
Britain; and engaging to support the invasion by 
an insurrection. 

After the death of James [1701], they con- 
tinued their correspondence with his son^ at St. 
Germain's, at Avignon, at Rome, or wherever he 
was. . . . 

At the accession of the family of Hanover [17 14], 
the Highlanders took arms against the parliamentary 

1 James Francis Stuart, Chevalier de St. George, b. 1688 ; d. 
1766 ; m. 1719, Maria Clenienlina Sobieski ; had issue, Charles 
Edward, b. 1720, d. 1788, and Henry Benedict, Cardinal York, 
b. 1725, d. 1807, 


settlement of the crown, though no French troops 
came to their assistance. 

Louis the Fourteenth was dead [17 15] before the 
Earl of Mar erected his standard in the Highlands ; 
and the Duke of Orleans, regent of France, never 
intended to do any thing in favour of the Pretender's 

Notwithstanding . . . the Earl of Mar was joined 
by so many fighting men, that the army he com- 
manded at the battle of Sheriffmuir [17 15] was 
greatly superior to the royal army; but the . . . 
battle of Sheriffmuir was a drawn battle, for the 
number of the slain was nearly equal on both 
sides ; and both generals claimed the victory. 

This rebellion . . . was very soon followed by 
another, which was part of a plan to restore the 
family of Stuart, formed by Cardinal Alberoni, 
minister of Spain. In the year 17 19, the king of 
Spain . . . equipped a fleet. . . . While this arma- 
ment (destined to invade England under the com- 
mand of the Duke of Ormond) was preparing at 
Cadiz, the Marquis of Tullibardin,^ the Earls of 
Seaforth and Mareschal . . . landed in the island 
of Lewes . . . corresponding with the disaffected 
chiefs in the Highlands, and engaging them to take 
arms when the Duke of Ormond with his troops should 
land in England . But the Duke of Ormond never did 
land in England. . . . Meanwhile, the Marquis of 
TuUibardin . . . left the Island of Lewes with the 

1 The Jacobite Duke of AthoU of the '45. 


300 Spaniards, and came over to the main land of 
Scotland ; but . . . General Wightman (commander 
in chief for Scotland) . . . coming up with the 
enemy at Glenshiel (between Fort Augustus and 
Bemera) he attacked them immediately. The 
engagement, if it may be called so, was a very 
short one. The Highlanders, favoured by the 
ground, withdrew to the Hills, without having 
suffered much. The Spaniards laid down their 
arms, and were made prisoners. 

Such had been the state of the Highlands, and 
the attachment of the greater and more warlike part 
of the Highlanders to the family of Stuart, from the 
reign of Charles the First, to that of George the 



The hopes of the Jacobites, which had been encouraged in 
1715, and again in 1719, had been damped by the consistent 
and jttdicious peace policy which Walpole had pursued. The 
renewal of war with France in 1741 again offered them an 
opportunity. They appealed to Cardinal Fleury for French 
support, and in 1743 ^^ expedition was equipped. In January 
1744, Prince Charles left Rome to assume the command of it. 
The expedition sailed from Dunkirk, but was forced to return 
in a shattered condition. Though France showed little in- 
tention to renew the enterprise, Charles continued to cherish 
and to express confident hopes of her further co-operation. 
Without such assistance the Jacobites were resolved not to 
move, and in July 1744, John Murray of Broughton, who, 
since 1740, had conducted their negotiations, visited Charles 
in Paris on their behalf. 

Murray of Broughton, Mtmoriais, 426.1 

[Murray of Broughton] saith that . . . after the 
Disappointment of the Invasion in 1743-4, they 
received no Letters from France for a considerable 
time, which made them uneasy. 

^ From Murray's statement, August 13, S746i made while a 
prisoner in the Tower. 



That Lord Traquair, in June 1744 . . . proposed 
to him to go again to France to see how things 
went there, which he was unwilling to do, but at 
last agreed to go j that a few days before [Murray 
set out for France a long Letter came from [Lord 
Sempil, accounting for and excusing the miscarriage 
of the Invasion, and desiring that new assurances 
might be sent to France from the Pretender's 
Friends in England and Scotland. That on the 
7th of July, 1744, [Murray] set out for London 
. . . and proceeded to Paris. . . . 

That [Murray], upon his arrival at Paris, went to 
[iEneas] MMonald's, a Banker, where the Pre- 
tender then was ; that the next day [he] was intro- 
duced to the Pretender by Sempil and [William] 
Drummond [of Balhaldy], and told him the occasion 
of his being sent to France. That the Pretender 
assured him that the French had been serious in 
the Invasion, which had been disappointed by the 
Weather and other accidents ; that he, the Pretender, 
had the strongest assurances from the French King 
and his Ministers that it would be put into execution 
that Harvest. 

That [Murray] having desired to see the Pretender 
alone . . . [he] then represented to him that his 
Friends in Scotland were dissatisfied with the Letters 
sent from Drummond and Sempil, and doubted 
whether the French were in earnest to support 
him. To which the Pretender answered that he 
was well assured of their good Intentions. . . . 


[Murray] saith that when he saw the Pretender at 
Paris, he told [Murray] he was determined to come 
over into this Kingdom if he brought only a single 
Footman . . . and asked [him] how many men . . . 
might join him. To which [Murray] said that at 
the most he thought there would not be above 
4 or 5000, even if all those who were looked upon 
to be the most attached to his Family should 
appear for him. That [Murray] communicated 
this Conversation to Lord Traquair, and afterwards 
to Cameron of Lochiel and Lord Perth; that 
Lochiel thought it was a rash and desperate under- 
taking ; that Lord Perth thought otherwise. 

Ten months passed, and the hope of French support became 
fainter and yet fainter. Tired of inactivity, and convinced that 
a successful effort on his own part would enlist Louis's co- 
operation, Charles at length fulfilled his threat to raise Scot- 
land * if he brought only a single Footman ' with him. In 
June 1745 he was staying at the Chateau de Navarre, the seat 
of his friend the Due de Bouillon. Thence he wrote to 
Murray of Broughton, 'that he was determined to come to 
Scotland, and desired his Friends might be informed of it.'* 
On June I,* he informed Louis of his determination, and 
suggested that France by aiding him had the opportunity 
of driving home her recent success at Fontenoy.' On the 
same day the Prince wrote to his father the Chevalier de St. 
George, and to his father's Secretary James Edgar, represent- 
ing to the one, with ingenuous inaccuracy, that he had been 

1 Memorials^ 429. 

3 In the new or Continental reckoning, which was eleven days 
in advance of the old or English style, the date was June 12. The 
old style is used throughout these pages. 

8 Murray of Broughton, Memorials^ 507. 


Snvited by our friends' to visit Scotland, and detailing to 

the other the preparations he had made for his hazardous 


MahoD, The Forty- Five, 144. 

Navarre, June iXO.S.], 1745. . 

Sir, — I believe your Majesty little expected a 
courier at this.tiirie, and much less from me; to tell 
you a thing that will be a great surprise to you. I 
have been, above six months ago, invited by our 
friends to go to Scotland, and to carry what money 
and arms I could conveniently get ; this being, they 
are fully persuaded, the only way of restoring you to 
the Crown, and them to their liberties. . . . Your 
Majesty cannot disapprove a son's following the 
example of his father. You yourself did the like 
in the year '15; but the circumstances now are 
indeed very different, by being much more en- 
couraging, there being a certainty of succeeding 
with the least help ; the particulars of which would 
be too long to explain, and even impossible to con- 
vince you of by writing, which has been the reason 
that I have presumed to take upon me the managing 
all this, without even letting you suspect there was 
any such thing a brewing, for fear of my not being 
able to explain . . . and had I failed to convince you, 
I was then afraid you might have thought what I 
had a mind to do to be rash ; and so have absolutely 
forbid my proceedings. ... I write this from 
Navarre, but it wont be sent off till I am on ship- 
board. . . . — Your Majesty's dutiful son, 

Charles P. 


To Mr, lames Edgar, IHd. 148. 

I have . . . bought fifteen hundred fusees [muskets], 
eighteen hundred broad-swords mounted, a good 
quantity of powder, ball, flints, dirks, brandy, etc., 
and some hundred more of fusees and broad- 
swords, of which I cannot at present tell the exact 
number. I have also got. twenty small field- 
pieces, two of which a mule may carry; and my 
cassette will be near four thousand louis d'ors: all 
these things will go in the frigate which carries 
myself. ... It will appear strange to you how 
I should get these things without the knowledge of 
the French Court. I employed one Rutledge [of 
Dunkirk] and one Walsh [or Welch, of Nantes], who 
are subjects. The first got a grant of a man-of-war 
[the * Elizabeth '] to cruise on the coast "of Scotland, 
and is, luckily, obliged to go as far north as I do, so 
that she will escort me without appearing to do it. 
Walsh understands his business perfectly well, and 
is an excellent seaman. He has offered to go with 
me himself, the vessel [the * Doutelle '] being his own 
that I go on board of. . . . He lives at Nantes ; and 
I expect a courier every moment from him with an 
account that all is ready ; and then I must lose no 
time to get there, and go directly on board. . . . 

June 22— July 23, 1745. 

On June 22, the Prince embarked on the * Doutelle ' at 
Nantes, and proceeded to Belle Isle, where he was joined on 
July 4 by the * Elizabeth. ' On July 5 he set sail with seven 


The Lyon in Mournings i. aoi. 

The seven were the Duke of Athol, Sir Thomj 
Sheridan, Sir John MacDonald, Colonel Strickland^ 
Captain O'Sullivan, Mr. George Kelly (a nonjurant 
clergyman), and iEneas MacDonald, banker at Paris, 
brother to Kinlochmoidart. . . . 

To cover the design the better. Sir Thomas 
Sheridan passed for the father, and the Prince 
for the son, for none knew the Prince to be in 
company but the seven, some few others, and Mr. 
Welch (an Irishman, a very rich merchant in Nantes), 
who was to command the frigate [* Doutelle '] of 
sixteen guns, on board of which the Prince and 
the few faithful friends with the servants were to 
imbark. . . . 

They had not been above five or six days at sea, 
till one evening the Lyon ship of war appeared, and 
came pretty near them, and then disappeared. Next 
morning she came again in view and disappeared. 
She continued to do so three or four times, and the 
last time of her appearing she came within a mile or 
so of them ; when the captain [d'Eau] of the Eliza- 
beth (a Frenchman) came on board the frigate, and 
told Mr. Welch, if he would assist him by keeping 
one side of the Lyon in play at a distance, he would 
immediately put all things in order for the attack. 
Mr. Welch, well knowing the trust he had on board, 
answered him civilly, and told him it was what he 
could not think of doing, and withal remarked to 


him, it was his humble opinion that he should not 
think of fighting unless he should happen to be 
attacked. . . . 

The French captain to all this replied, that from 
the LyofCs appearing and disappearing so often, it 
seemed as if she were looking out for another ship 
to assist her . . . and therefore he behoved to think 
it the wisest course to fight the Lyon when single. 
. . . Upon this the French captain drew his sword, 
took leave of Mr. Welch and his company, went on 
board the Elizabeth with his sword still drawn in his 
hand, and gave the necessary orders for the attack. 

Immediately the Elizabeth bore down upon the 
Lyon (each of them consisting of about sixty guns, 
and therefore equally matched), and began the 
attack with great briskness. The fight continued 
for five or six hours, when the Lyon was obliged 
to sheer off like a tub upon the water. . . . 

During the time of the fight, the Prince several 
times observed to Mr. Welch what a small assistance 
would serve to give the Elizabeth the possession of the 
Lyon^ and importuned him to engage in the quarrel. 
But Mr. Welch positively refused, and at last be- 
hoved to desire the Prince not to insist any more, 
otherwise he would order him down to the cabin. 

After the fight was over, Mr. Welch sailed round 
the Elizabeth^ and . . . desired to tell the captain 
it was his opinion that he should without loss of 
time return to France, and that he himself would do 
his best to make out the intended voyage. The 


Elizabeth accordingly returned to France, and the 
frigate continued her course to the coast of Scot- 
land. She had not been long parted from the 
Elizabeth till the crew descried two ships of war at 
some distance, which they could not have well got 
off from, but that a mist luckily interveened, and 
brought them out of sight. 

Two or three hours before landing, an eagle came 
hovering over the frigate. . . . Before dinner the 
Duke of Athol had spied the eagle [and] . . . 
could not help remarking it to the Prince and 
his small retinue, which they looked upon with 
pleasure. His grace, turning to the Prince, said, 
' Sir, I hope this is an excellent omen, and promises 
good things to us. The king of birds is come to 
welcome your royal highness upon your arrival in 

When they were near the shore of the Long Isle, 
Duncan Cameron was set out in the long boat to 
fetch them a proper pilot. When he landed he ac- 
cidentally met with Barra's piper, who was his old 
acquaintance, and brought him on board. The 
piper piloted them safely into Erisca. ... , 

When they landed in Eriska [July 23J, they could 
not find a grain of meal or one inch of bread. But 
they catched some flounders, which they roasted 
upon the bare coals in a mean, low hut they had 
gone into near the shore, and Duncan Cameron 
stood cook The Prince sat at the cheek of the 
little ingle, upon a fail sunk [a heap of peats], and 


laughed heartily at Duncan's cookery, for he himself 
owned he played his part awkwardly enough.^ 

July 23— August 4. 

Ibid, i. 288. 

The very first night they landed [July 23] ^ hap- 
pened to prove violently stormy and wet, and they 
were obliged to lodge in one of the little country 
houses, wherein there were already many others that 
were weatherbound. 

Here they were all refreshed as well as the place 
could afford, and they had some beds, but not 
sufficient for the whole company, on which account 
the Prince, being less fatigued than the others, 
insisted upon such to go to bed as most wanted it. 
Particularly he took care of Sir Thomas Sheridan, 
and went to examine his bed, and to see that the 
sheets were well aired. The landlord, observing 
him to search the bed so narrowly, and at the same 
time hearing him declare he would sit up all night, 
called out to him, and said it was so good a bedj 
and the sheets were so good, that a prince need not 
be ashamed to lie in them. 

The Prince, not being accustomed to such fires in 
the middle of the room, and there being no other 
chimney than a hole in the roof, was almost choaked, 
and was obliged to go often to the door for fresh air. 
This at last made the landlord, Angus MacDonald, 
call out, *What a plague is the matter with that 

1 The voyage is also described in Ibid, i. 284 ; Hist. MSS. 
Comm, Rept. xiv. Pt. ix, 130. 2 cf. Blaikie, Itinerary, 2. 


fellow, that he can neither sit nor stand still, and 
neither keep within nor without doors ? ' 

Ibid. i. 205. 

Next day [July 24] the Prince sent for young 
Clanranald's uncle (Alexander MacDonald of Bois- 
dale), who lived in South Uist, and discovered him- 
self to him. This gentleman spoke in a very 
discouraging manner to the Prince, and advised 
him to return home. To which it is said the Prince 
replied, * I am come home, sir, and I will entertain 
no notion at all of returning to that place from 
whence I came ; for that I am persuaded my faithful 
Highlanders will stand by me.' Mr. MacDonald 
told him he was afraid he would find the contrary. 
The Prince condescended upon Sir Alexander Mac- 
Donald and the Laird of MacLeod as persons he 
might confide in. Mr. MacDonald begged leave to 
tell him that he had pitched upon the wrong persons 
. . . [for] on the contrary, they might chance to act 
an opposite part. And seeing the Prince had been 
pleased to mention Sir Alexander MacDonald's 
name, Boisdale desired he might run ofif an express 
to him, and let his return be the test of what he had 
advanced. . . . 

According to this advice the Prince did send a 
message to Sir Alexander MacDonald, intimating 
his arrival, and demanding assistance. 

Ibid. i. 289. 

From this place [Eriska] Mr. ^neas MacDonald, 


the banker, took boat [to the mainland] and went to 
his brother of Kinlochmoidart, being at the distance 
of about forty miles. Kinlochmoidart accompanied 
the banker back to Eriska . . . [and] was made 
a colonel and aid-de-camp to the Prince, and was 
to have been made a baronet and peer of Scot- 
land. He was an exceeding cool-headed man, fit 
for either cabinet or field. 

Leaving Eriska the Prince and his companions sailed across 
to the mainland, and on July 25 arrived at Borradale in 
Arisaig. Urgent messages were at once sent to summon those 
on whose support Charles counted — among them, Murray of 
Broughton, the Duke of Perth, Cameron of Lochiel, and Young 
Clanranald. The Prince's arrival with so insignificant an 
armament aroused surprise and consternation, and at the 
outset he received but slight encouragement from those who 
visited him. 

The Lyon in Mournings ill. 50. 

Mr. Hugh MacDonald [of Morar] . . . happened 
to meet with MacDonald of Kenlochmoydart cross- 
ing the water of Lochy, who asked him, * What news? ' 
' No news at all have I,' said Mr. Hugh. * Then,' 
said Kenlochmoydart, * I '11 give you news. You '11 
see the Prince this night. . . .' *What Prince do 
you mean ? ' said Mr. Hugh. * Prince Charles,' said 
Kenlochmoydart. * You are certainly joking,' said 
Mr. Hugh, * I cannot believe you.' Upon this Ken- 
lochmoydart assured him of the truth of it. * Then,' 
said Mr. Hugh, * what number of men has he brought 
along with him?' *Only seven,' said Kenlochmoy- 
dart. * What stock of money and arms has he brought 


with him then?* said Mr. Hugh. ' A very small stock 
of either/ said Kenlochmoydart. * What generals or 
officers fitt for commanding are with him ? ' said Mr. 
Hugh. *None at all/ replied Kenlochmoydart. 
Mr. Hugh said he did not like the expedition at all, 
and was afraid of the consequences. *I cannot 
help it/ said Kenlochmoydart. * If the matter go 
wrong, then I'll certainly be hanged, for I am 
engaged already. . . .'^ They then took leave and 
parted. ... 

Next day, Angus and Mr. Hugh Macdonalds went 
on board the vessel in Lochnannuagh when the Prince 
happened to be above deck, to whom Mr. Hugh 
made up, saluting him as an abbee,^ welcoming him 
to Scotland, asking how he liked the country, etc. 
The Prince soon learning what Mr. Hugh was, went 
to the cabin. . . . Upon this Mr. Hugh paid his 
respects to him as to a prince, and begged he would 
be exceedingly cautious and keep himself very 
private, as the garrison at Inverlochie was not far 
off, and the Campbells in the neighbourhood . . . 
would be too ready to take him, and give him up to 
his enemies, etc. * I have no fear about that at all,' 
said the Prince. 

Lockkart Papers, ii. 479. 

July [26]th ane express was dispatch'd for young 
Clanronald, and next day, being the [2 7]th, Clan- 

^ Cf. Mounsey, Carlisle in 1745, 266. 
a Charles passed as ' M. I'Abb^.' 


ronald, Alexander McDonald of Glenaladale, i^neas 
McDonald of Dalily, and I,^ came to Forsy, a small 
village opposite to the road where the Prince's vessel 
lay. We called for the ships boat and were im- 
mediatly carryed on board, and our hearts were 
overjoyed to find ourselves so near our long wished 
for P — ce. We found a large tent erected with pole$ 
on the ships deck, covered and well furnished with 
variety of wines and spirits. . As we enter'd this 
pavilion we were most chearfully welcomed by the 
Duke of Athole, to whom some of us had been knpwn 
in the year 1715. While the Duke was talking with 
us, Clanronald was a-missing, and had, as we under- 
stood, been called into the P — ce's cabin, nor did 
we look for the honour of seeing His R.H. at least 
for that night. After being 3 hours with the P., 
Clanronald returned to us, and in about half ane 
hour after, there entered the tent a tall youth of a 
most agreeable aspect, in a plain black coat, with a 
plain shirt, not very clean, and a cambrick stock 
fixed with a plain silver buckle, a fair round wig out 
of the buckle, a plain hatt with a canvas string 
haveing one end fixed to one of his coat buttons ; 
he had black stockins and brass buckles in his 
shoes; at his first appearance I found my heart 
swell to my very throat. We were immediatly told 
by one Obrian [O'Brien], a churchman, that this 
youth was also ane English clergyman who had long 

1 A Clanranald Macdonald. I have emended his dates. They 
are exactly a week behind the correct ones. 


been possess'd with a desire to see and converse 
with Highlanders. 

When this youth entered, Obrian forbid any of 
those who were sitting to rise ; he saluted none of 
us, and we only made a low bow at a distance. I 
chanced to be one of those who were standing when 
he came in, and he took his seat near me, but im- 
mediatly started up again and caused me sitt down 
by him upon a chest. I, at this time taking him to 
be only a passenger or some clergyman, presumed 
to speak to him with too much familiarity, yet still 
retained some suspicion he might be one of more 
note than he was said to be. He asked me if I was 
not cold in that habite (viz. the highland garb). I 
answered, I was so habituated to it that I should 
rather be so if I was to change my dress for any 
other. At this he laugh'd heartily, and next enquired 
how I lay with it at night, which I explaind to him; 
he said that by wraping myself so closs in my plaid 
I would be unprepared for any sudden defence in 
the case of a surprise. I answered, that in such 
times of danger, or during a war, we had a different 
method of useing the plaid, that with one spring I 
could start to my feet with drawn sword and cock'd 
pistol in my hand, without being in the least 
incumbered with my bedcloaths. Severall such 
questions he put to me; then rising quickly from 
his seat he calls for a dram, when the same person 
whisper'd me a second time, to pledge the stranger 
but not to drink to him, by which seasonable hint I 


was confirmed in my suspicion who he was. Having 
taken a glass of wine in his hand, he drank to us all 
round, and soon after left us. 

Home, History ^ 42. 

Cameron of Locheil . . . was not a little troubled 
when he received a letter from Charles, acquainting 
him that he was come to the Highlands, and desired 
to see him immediately. Locheil complied. . . . 
He was no sooner arrived at Boradale, than Charles 
and he retired by themselves. . . . Locheil acknow- 
ledged the engagements of the chiefs, but observed 
that they were no ways binding, as he had come 
over without the stipulated [French] aid ; and there- 
fore as there was not the least prospect of success, 
he advised his Royal Highness to return to France. 
. . . Charles refused to follow LocheiFs advice. . . . 
* In a few days ' (said he), * with the few friends that 
I have, I will erect the royal standard, and pro- 
claim to the people of Britain, that Charles Stuart 
is come over to claim the crown of his ancestors, 
to win it, or to perish in the attempt : Locheil, 
who, my father has often told me, was our firmest 
friend, may stay at home, and learn from the news- 
papers the fate of his prince.' * No,' said Locheil, 
*I'll share the fate of my prince; and so shall 
every man over whom nature or fortune hath given 
me any power.' ^ Such was the singular conversation, 
on the result of which depended peace or war. 

^ Cf, Ibid. 44 ; The Lyon in Mournings iii. 52, 120. 


For it is a point agreed among the Highlanders, 
that if Locheil had persisted in his refusal to take 
arms, the other chiefs would not have joined the 
standard without him, and the spark of rebellion 
must have instantly expired. 

Lockhart Papers, ii. 481. 

On [July] the [29th], Clanronald and Allan 
M^'Donald, younger brother to Kinlochmoydart, were 
sent to Sir Alexander McDonald of Slate and the Laird 
of M^Loed [Macleod] to induce them to join His 
R.H. according to duty and promise; Glenalad[ale], 
another gentleman and I^ being likewise sent to 
conveen Clanronald's men and to get some of the 

best of them for the P 's guard in the mean 

time, and others to be employd in unloading the 
ship of the arms and arounition. This was our 
whole business till Clanronald's return from the 
Isle of Sky, whose errand was in vain, those gentle- 
men alledging, that the P. comeing without some 
regular troops, more arms and money, they were 
under no engagement to concurr in the enterprize. 
Donald M<^Donald of Scotos came also on board 
as Glengaries representative, as likewise . . . 
McDonald of Keppoch, and McDonald of Glenco, 
who having concerted measures with His R.H. in 
behalf of their king and country, repaired immediatly 
to their respective homes with orders to conveen 
all their followers. . . . These chieftains carried with 

1 Vid€ note, supra,, p. 29.. 


them some arms and amunition for the use of such 
of their people as wanted. 

To emphasise his own resolution, and to impress the waverers, 
Charles ordered the * Doutelle ' to return to France.* 

Lockhart Papers, ii. 482. 

Captain Walsh . . . took his leave of the P[rince] 
and weighed anchor on the [4th of August], which 
day His R.H., the Duke of Athole, Clanronald, etc., 
came on shore and landed at the little village of 
Borradel, in the country of Arisaig, belonging to Clan- 
ronald, and here H.R.H. first sett foot on Scottish 
ground, excepting one night that he tarried in the 
house of Angus McDonald, at a place called Eriskay 
in the isle of Wist [Uist]. . . . We there did our 
best to give him a most hearty welcome to our 
country, the P. and all his company with a guard of 
about 100 men being all entertaind in the house, 
etc., of Angus M*^Donald of Borradel in Arisaig, in 
as hospitable a manner as the place could aford. 
H.R.H. being seated in a proper place had a full 
view of all our company, the whole nighbourhood 
without distinction of age or sex crouding in upon 
us to see the P. After we had all eaten plentifully 
and drunk chearfully, H.R.H. drunk the grace 
drink in English, which most of us understood; 
when it came to my turn I presumed to distinguish 

^ Vide Charles's letters to his father and the King of France, in 
Mahon, The Forty-Five, 152 \ Murray of Broughton, Memorials, 




myself by saying audibly in Erse (or highland 
language), Deochs laint-an Reogh\ H.R.H., under- 
standing that I had drunk the Kings health, made 
me speak the words again in Erse, and said he 
could drink the Kings health likewise in that 
language, repeating my words; and the company 
mentioning my skill in the highland language, 
H.R.H. said I should be his master for that 

Murray of Broughton, Memorials, 154. 

Had the Chevalier seemed in the least daunted 
by the. apparent caution of his friends, or agreed 
to their not raising in arms for some time, and 
keep'd the ship hovering of the coast for a retreat, 
it is more than probable that the interest L[ord] 
L[ovat], S' Alexander] M^'Donald with M°C[leod] 
had with the others, together with the many dangers 
that would have occurred to them every day, would 
have oblidged him att last to return after a fruitless 
attempt, and if not rendered him despicable in the 
Eyes of foreigners, would att least have enduced 
them to believe that he had no freinds. . . . This 
slip made Locheil with M*^Donald of Keppoch, 
Clanronald, Stewart of Ardsheil, with principal 
gentleman of Glengarys familly, to agree to have 
their people in arms in two weeks after, and the 
Rendezvous was appointed att Glenphinnen [Glen- 
finnan], a small place att the head of Locheil, upon 
he [19th] day of [August]. 


August 4-19. 

Lockhart Papers, ii. 482. 

Having staid [August 4-10] in Borradel, during 
which time messages were still coraeing and going 
betwixt the P., Lochiel, Glengary, and Keppoch, 
etc., H.R.H. then sett out [August 11] for the town 
of Kinlochmoydart in Moydart, seven miles from 
Borradel, by the head of Lochnanuagh and Loch- 
ailort [Loch Aylort], which way Clanronalds regiment 
marched closs by the shoar, the P. with his artilary 
and bagadge going by sea, as being the shortest 
passage, of about four miles. 

The Highlanders did not await the raising of the Standard 
to commence hostilities. On August 14, Captain Swetenham, 
of Guise's regiment, was captured by Keppoch's Clan as he was 
proceeding from Ruthven to Fort William. Two days later a 
more serious affair took place. 

Home, History, 46. 

The governor of Fort Augustus . . . sent, upon 
the 1 6th of August, two additional companies of the 
first [Royal Scots] regiment of foot, to reinforce the 
garrison of Fort William. . . . Within eight miles 
of Fort William stands High Bridge, built over the 
river Spean, a torrent ... extremely difficult to 
pass but by the bridge. Captain John Scott . . . 
who commanded the two companies . . . was near 
High Bridge, when he heard a bagpipe, and saw 
some Highlanders on the other side of the bridge 
skipping and leaping about with swords and firelocks 
in their hands. The captain ordered his men to 


halt, and sent a serjeant with his own servant, to 
learn who these people were. When the messengers 
came near the bridge, two nimble Highlanders darted 
out, seized them both, and carried them to the party 
at the bridge. Captain Scott, ignorant of the number 
of his enemies . . . ordered his men to face about, 
and march back again. The Highlanders who had 
taken post at the bridge were not above eleven or 
twelve men, assembled and commanded by Mac- 
donald of Tierndreich [Tiendrish], who had . . . 
sent expresses to Lochiel and Keppoch to demand 
assistance. When the soldiers . . . had passed the 
west end of Loch Lochie, and were got a little 
way upon the narrow road between the lake and 
the mountain, the Highlanders . . . ascending the 
hill . . . began to fire at the soldiers. . . . The 
number of the Highlanders encreased every moment; 
for the report of the pieces was heard far and wide. 
. . . Captain Scott, having reached the east end 
of Loch Lochie, descried some Highlanders on a 
hill at the west end of Loch Oich, and not liking 
their appearance, crossed the isthmus between the 
lakes, intending to take possession of Invergary, a 
place of some strength, which belonged to Mac- 
donald of Glengary. He had not marched far, 
when he saw another body of Highlanders (who 
were the Macdonalds of Glengary) coming down 
the hill to oppose him. Captain Scott formed the 
hollow square and marched on. The pursuers, 
joined by Macdonald of Keppoch, and a party of 


his men, came up very fast. Keppoch advanced 
alone, and called out to the troops to surrender, 
offering them good quarter. . . . The soldiers, sur- 
rounded on every side, laid down their arms. The 
affair was scarcely over, when Locheil, with a body 
of his Camerons, arrived, took charge of the prisoners, 
and carried them to his house at Achnacarie. In 
this scuffle, one or two of the soldiers were killed, 
and Captain Scott himself was wounded. 

The Highlanders did not lose a single man ; and 
their success in this first essay had no small effect 
in raising their spirits, and encouraging them to 

Two days after this skirmish, Charles was joined by Murray 
of Broughton, whom he appointed his Secretary. On the 
same day, August 18, he and his escort left Kinloch-Moidart 
and proceeded by Loch Shiel to Glenaladale. Here Gordon 
of Glenbucket, and with him his prisoner Captain Swetenham, 
met the Prince. Thence, early on the morning of August 19, 
an advance was made to Glenfinnan. 

Home, History^ 49. 

Glenfinn[a]n is a narrow vale, in which the river 
Finnin runs between high and craggy mountains, 
not to be surmounted but by travellers on foot. 
At each end of the glen is a lake about twelve 
miles in length ; and behind the mountains on both 
sides of the glen are other two lakes, nearly of the 
same length. When Charles landed in the glen, 
Locheil and his Camerons were not to be seen. 

1 For this skirmish, cf. Lockhart Papers, ii. 483 ; The Lyon in 
Mourning, i. 36. 


Anxious for the arrival of this great auxiliary, Charles 
entered one of the hovels, which still stand there, 
and waited for about two hours. At last Locheil 
with his men appeared on the top of the hill. 

The Camerons advanced in two lines (each of them 
three men deep). Between the lines were the soldiers 
taken on the i6th, marching as prisoners without 
their arms. Charles, elated with the sight of such 
a clan (for the Camerons are said to have been 700 
or 800 men that day, many of them without arms), 
proceeded immediately to erect the standard. 

The Marquis of TuUibardine [Duke of AthoU] 
unfurled the standard ; and, supported by a man on 
each side, held the staff till the manifest and com- 
mission of regency were read, both dated at Rome, 
December 1743. 

In an hour or two after this solemnity, Macdonald 
of Keppoch arrived with about 300 m'en. In the 
evening of the same day, some gentlemen of the 
name of Macleod came to Glenfinnin, who dis- 
claimed their chief, and offered themselves to return 
to the Isles, and raise all the men they could for 
the service of their Prince. 

Murray of Broughton, Memorials ^ 168. 

[When] the Royal Standart [was] displayed by the 
D. of A[tholl] the Chevalier made them a short but 
very Pathetick speech. Importing that it would be 
no purpose to declaim upon the justice of his 
Father's tittle to the Throne to people who, had 


they not been convinced of it, would not have 
appeared in his behalf, but that he esteemed it as 
much his duty to endeavour to procure their welfare 
and happyness as they did to assert his right ; that it 
was cheifly with that view that he had landed in a 
part of the Island where he knew he should find a 
number of brave gentlemen fired with the * noble 
example of their predecessors, and jealous of their 
own and their Country's honour, to join with him in 
so glorious an enterprise, with whose assistance, and 
the protection of a just God who never fails to 
avenge the cause of the injured, he did not doubt 
of bringing the aifair to a happy issue/ 

After this ceremony was over, he retired to his 
quarters, which he had taken up in a little barn att 
the head of the Loch. 



Although news of the Prince's departure from Nantes had 
reached London in July 1745, and a reward had been offered 
on August I for his apprehension should he succeed in landing, 
the first definite information of his arrival was conveyed to 
Ix>rd President Forbes at Edinburgh by Macleod of Macleod 
in a letter dated August 3.^ Forbes at once communicated 
with Sir John Cope, Commander-in-Chief in Scotland, and 
proceeded to Inverness to organise the Clans well-affected 
to the Government, while Cope prepared for an immediate 
advance from Stirling. 

August 19-29. 

Home, History, 55. 

Sir John Cope, Commander in Chief [in Scotland] 
during these alarms, was one of those ordinary men 
who are fitter for any thing than the chief command 
in war, especially when opposed, as he was, to a 
new and uncommon enemy ; and, like every man of 
that character, extremely solicitous that nothing 
might be laid to his charge, he resolved to propose 
the most vigorous measures. Accordingly, in his 

1 The letter is in Culloden Papers, 203. 
• 40 


letters to the Secretary of State (dated the 9th and 
loth of August), he proposed to march his troops 
into the Highlands, to seek out the rebels, and try 
to check their progress. . . . The King's army in 
Scotland . . . consisted of three battalions and a 
half of infantry, and two regiments of cavalry, both 
horse and foot (one old corps excepted^) the 
youngest regiments of the British army. Besides 
these forces there were in Scotland nine additional 
companies, that had been lately raised there for the 
national regiments serving abroad : there were also 
several companies almost complete of Lord Loudon's 
Highland regiment, for which the levies were carry- 
ing on all over the North. Of the nine additional 
companies, two had fallen into the hands of the 
rebels [August 16], as has been mentioned; most 
of the other companies had been draughted, and - 
were so weak, as not to exceed twenty-five men 
a company. Lord Loudon's men were scattered 
about in different parts of the North Country, and 
had not received their arms. 

Sir John Cope arriving at Stirling on the 19th of 
August, next day began his march to the North, 

1 ' The old regiment was Guise's, No. 6, raised in the year 1673, 
which was dispersed among the forts and barracks in the north. 
The three young regiments were, Lee's, the 44th, of which five 
companies were in Berwick, and five in Scotland ; Murray's, the 
46th ; and Lascelles's, the 47th ; all of them raised in the year 
1741. The two regiments of dragoons were Gard[i]ner's and 
Hamilton's, the 13th and 14th, both raised in the year 171 5, but 
had never seen any service.'— Home's note. 


and proceeded by Crieff and Tay Bridge, along the 
Highland road towards Fort Augustus. . . . The 
troops, with which the General undertook this ex- 
pedition, consisted altogether of infantry, for cavalry 
being judged unserviceable in so rough a country, 
where it was not easy to subsist them, one of the 
regiments of dragoons [Hamilton's] was left at Leith, 
and the other [Gardiner's] at Stirling. With twenty- 
five companies of foot, whose number did not exceed 
1400 men,^ with four field-pieces (one and a half 
pounders), as many cohorns, with a great number of 
carts and horses, carrying provisions, baggage, and 
300 stand of arms, the General arrived at Dalna- 
cardoch on the 25th of August. At Dalnacardoch 
he was informed that the rebels intended to meet 
him at Corryarra[c]k, in his way to Fort Augustus. 
The person who brought him this intelligence was 
Captain Sweetnam of Guise's regiment, who . . . 
was taken prisoner by the rebels on the 14th, at a 
place called Letter Finlay . . . [and] was carried to 
Glenfinnin, where he saw the standard erected on 
the 19th; and giving his parole, was dismissed on 
the 2ist. . . . 

From Dalnacardoch Sir John Cope with his army 
advanced to Dalwhinnie, where he arrived on the 
26th. . . . 

1 The foot included five companies of Lee's, two companies of 
Lord John Murray's Highlanders, and Murray's regiment. Eight 
companies of Lascelles's regiment joined Cope at Crieff. — Report 
on General Copes Conduct, i6. 


At Dalwhinnie, surrounded with hills, from which 
Corryarrak may be seen, a Council of War was called. 
. . . The Council . . . were unanimously of opinion 
that the march to Fort Augustus, by Corryarrak, was 
impracticable ; and . . . that it was more expedient 
... to march to Inverness. . . . Next morning 
[August 27], before break of day, the Highlanders 
began to ascend Corryarrak ; and marching to the 
summit of the mountain, halted there, and waited 
the approach of the King's army. 

Sir John Cope, acquiescing in the opinion of the 
Council of War . . . marched his army on the 27th 
towards Garv[e]more; but when the Van reached 
Blarigg ^t%y and the Rear was at Catlaig, where the 
road to Inverness turns off from the military road to 
Fort Augustus, the troops were ordered to halt, to 
face about, and take the road to Inverness by 
Ruthven. . . . 

When Sir John Cope left the direct road to Fort 
Augustus, he proceeded by forced marches to 
Inverness, where he arrived on the 29th of August. 

Meanwhile, Charles and his force had set out from Glen- 
finnan on August 21, and proceeded to Invergarry. Here a 
bond was drawn up, pledging the chiefs *not to lay down 
their arms nor to make their peace without the consent of the 
whole.'* At Invergarry the Prince received an insidious pro- 
posal from Lord Lovat. 

Lockhart Papers, ii. 442. 

That night [August 25 or 26] the P. lay at the castle 

1 Murray of Broughton, Memorials, 173. 


of Invergarry, where Fraizer of Gortleg came to the 
P. to assure him of Lord Lovats services ^ . . . and 
recommended as the surest way to promote the 
[King's] intrest that he (the P.) should march 
north and raise the Fraizers of Strathharigag 
[Stratherrick], and by that time he cou'd reach 
Inverness, Sir Alexander M^^Donald and M*=Load 
wou'd have time to joine, as wou'd a great many 
of the M^'Kinzies, some of the Grants, the Fraizers, 
and M^'Intoches ; but the Duke of Athole insisted 
that it wou'd be absolutly necessary that he should 
appear in Athole before his brother cou'd make any 
party in that country. Mr. Murray (the secretary) 
join'd with him, and added that there was no time 
to be lost, but to march to Edinburgh, where (as he 
said) there was a great many ready to joine. This 
last advice prevailed, and the P. left Invergarry that 

Ibid, ii. 484. 

[The Prince] marched to Obertaive in Glen- 
garie, where Lochiel came up with us. Here 
Stewart of Ardshiel joined the P. with 200 of the 
Apin men; also did the McDonalds of Glengarie, 
being 600 good men conducted by McDonald of 

The P. being fully resolved to stop the further 
progress of the Governments troops, a council vof 
war was held at Obertaive, where it was chearfully 

1 Lord Lovat's duplicity may be gauged by his letters in 
Culloden Papers, 210, 211. 


resolved to take possession of the defiles of the 
mountain Corryarag [Corryarrack], between Glen- 
gary and Badenoch, before General Cop[e] should 
reach them. Accordingly His R.H. sett out August 
27 at 4 morning from Oberhallader [Aberchalder] 
in Glengary, our [Clanranald] regiment in the van, 
next Glengaries, Keppochs and Ardsheals followed 
in order, and Lochiels in the rear.^ We were all in 
good spirits and resolute to meet the enemy in the 
muir, judgeing they were to hold their course over 
the hill of Corryarag towards Fortagustus [Fort 
Augustus], being the more provoked that Cope was 
comeing in a hostile manner into our country. We 
had just passed the hill, when a gentleman of the 
name of M*^Pharson came to give His R.H. notice 
that Sir John Cope had the day before alterd his 
rout from Corryarag, and turning northward had 
marched to Riven [Ruthven] in Badenoch, haveing 
to deceive us sent part of his baggage with 2 com- 
panys of foot and the camp colours four miles 
further in the road to Fortagustus, as if he was to 
follow them with his whole army. 

Ibid, ii. 443. 

[The Prince], hearing that [Sir John Cope] was 
passt, the 28th in the morning marched up Corria- 

1 Culloden Papers, 217, contain the following note for Lord 
President Forbes : — ' A true account of the numbers of the High- 
land army, Tuesday 27th August 1745 — Lochiel, 700 ; Clanranald, 
having Men of his Islanders, 250 ; The Stewarts of Appin, com- 
manded by Ardsheal, 220 ; Keappoch, 260 ; Glengarry's Men, in- 
cluding Knoidart, Glenco, and Glenmorriston, 600. [Total=]2030. ' 


rock and went that afternoon to Garvemore in the 
braes of Badenoch, where he had certaine intelli- 
gence that Sir J. Cope had taken the road for 
Inverness and had made such forced marches that 
it was impossible to overtake him. 

From Garvemore the P[rince] sent loo of the 
Camerons under the silence of the night to appre- 
hend Cluny Mcpherson at his own house, which 
they did.^ 

August 30 — September 10. 

Abandoning all thought of following Cope, Charles continued 
his march upon Perth. In the course of it he was joined by 
John Roy Stewart, a British cavalry ex-officer, whom he 
despatched to raise the Grants. On September i. Lord 
Nairne and Mercer of Aldie joined the Prince at Blair Castle 
in Atholl. 

The Lyon in Mourning, i. 208. 

September 2d. — He left Blair and went to the 
house of Lude, where he was very chearful and took 
his share in several dances, such as minuets, High- 
land reels (the first reel the Prince called for was, 
* This is not mine ain house,' etc.), and a Strathspey 

September 3d. — He was at Dunkeld, and next 
day he dined at Nairn house [in Strathord], where 
some of the company happening to observe what a 
thoughtful state his father would now be in . . . 
and that upon this account he was much to be 

1 Cf. Culloden Papers, 391. An unsuccessful attempt was made 
at the same time to destroy the barracks at Ruthven. 


pitied ... the Prince replied that he did not half 
so much pity his father as his brother. ' For/ said 
he, 'the king has been inured to disappointments 
and distresses, and has learnt to bear up easily 
under the misfortunes of life. But poor Harry ! his 
young and tender years make him much to be pitied, 
for few brothers love as we do.' 

September 4th. — In the evening he made his 
entrance into Perth upon the horse that Major 
MacDonell had presented him with.^ 

At Perth upon his entry, and also at Dundee, Charles 
caused his father to be proclaimed James the Eighth. While 
he remained at Perth, September 4-10, his small force was 
strengthened by some Macgregors of Glencairnaig and Glen- 
gyle, and some Robertsons under Robertson of Struan. He 
was joined also by Lord James Drummond (the Jacobite Duke 
of Perth), Lord George Murray, Lord Strathallan, Lord Ogilvy, 
Laurence Oliphant of Gask, and the Chevalier Johnstone. 
O'Sullivan and Sir John Macdonald were appointed Quarter- 
Master-General and Instructor of Cavalry respectively, and the 
command of the army was vested in the Duke of Perth and 
Lord George Murray as Lieutenant-Generals. 

Johnstone, Memoirs, 19. 

Lord George Murray . . . possessed a natural 
genius for military operations; and was indeed a 
man of surprising talents, which, had they been 
cultivated by the study of military tactics, would 
unquestionably have rendered him one of the 
greatest generals of the age. He was tall and 

1 It had been captured in the skirmish on August i6* 


robust, and brave in the highest degree ; conducting 
the Highlanders in the most heroic manner, and 
always the first to rush sword in hand into the midst 
of the enemy. He used to say, when we advanced 
to the charge, *I do not ask you, my lads, to go 
before, but merely to follow me * : a very energetic 
harangue, admirably calculated to excite the ardour 
of the Highlanders; but which would sometimes 
have had a better effect in the mouth of the Prince.^ 
He slept little, was continually occupied with all 
manner of details, and was altogether most inde- 
fatigable, combining and directing alone all our 
operations : in a word, he was the only person 
capable of conducting our army. . . . However, 
with an infinity of good qualities, he was not 
without his defects: proud, haughty, blunt, and 
imperious, he wished to have the exclusive ordering 
of every thing ; and, feeling his superiority, he would 
listen to no advice. 

Meanwhile, Cope's abortive march to Inverness had left 
Edinburgh and the Lowlands open to Charles. Leaving 
Inverness on September 4, Cope hastened his army towards 
Aberdeen, and despatched an order for transports to meet him 
there. By their means he still hoped to reach the Forth in 
time to defend the capital. 

Murray of Broughton, Memorials, 189. 

The Chevalier having certain intelligence that 
Cap* Rogers had been sent south by G" C[ope] to 

^ The Chevalier is throughout prejudiced against Charles. 


provide ships att Leith to transport him to the firth 
of Forth, and that these transports were actually 
providing for him, called a Councill of War to con- 
sult of what was proper to be done upon that occasion. 
He urged . . . that in case the Enemy gott south, 
it was not impossible but they might be joind by 
some of the troops ordered from Flanders ^ before 
he could bring them to an action . . . and that 
upon this account it seemd necessary for him to 
have matters ordered so as to be able to give them 
a meetting immediatly upon their landing, before 
they could be reinforced. The uncertainty of the 
place where they might debark appeared to some of 
the Council a difficulty not easily to be surmounted. 
... To prevent this difficulty, and to procure the 
immediate rising of their freinds in the north, it 
was proposed to march north from Perth, and 
attack S^ J[ohn] on his road to Aberdeen. Tho 
the Chevalier seemd of opinion that he might by 
forced marches gett to Aberdeen before him, and 
that his army would be augmented on his march, 
yett he was too quick sighted not to discover the 
ruin he might bring upon his affairs by that step ; 
for so soon as the Enemy discovered his intentions, 
they had only to post themselves on the side of the 
River Spey att Gordon Castle till they had drawn 
him within a day's march, and if they than did not 
care to risque a battle, they had it in their power to 
retire again under the cannon of Inverness, whille 

1 They did not arrive until October. 



the two Regements of Dragoons then att Stirling 
would have marchd to harrase his rear, so that he 
must thereby have very much fatigued his troops, 
and losed a great deal of time, w^out any probability 
of success. Having thus . . . demonstrated the 
advantages of marching south to waite for the Enemy 
there, and of what consequence it would be to 
render himself Master of the Capital before it was 
possible for the Enemy to come to its relief, [he] 
therefor gave orders for the march of the army to 
Dumblain [Dunblane] against Thursday the nth 
of Septal 

September 11-17. 

Lockhart Papers, ii. 486. 

On the [12th] we marched from Dumblane through 
Down, and crossed the water of Teath [Teith] at 
the bridge there. The P. stoped at a gentlemans 
house near Down, of the name of E[draonsto]n[eJ, 
and drunk a glass of wine on horseback, where the 
ladys, etc., of the country were assembled to see 
him. We passed the river Forth that day [Sep- 
tember 13] at the ford of Frew, about 6 miles above 
Stirling, expecting to have been opposed there by 
Colonell Gardners dragoons, who encamped in the 
park of Stirling, and who we heard had threatned 
to cut us to pieces if we attempted to cross the 
water. The dragoons, however, upon our approach 

1 Cluny Macpherson here consented to join the Prince, and left 
Perth to raise his Clan. — Murray of Broughton, 191. 


galloped away in a great hurry and lay that night 
at Falkirk. 

The P. in crossing Forth may be said to have 
passed the Rubicon ; he had now no rough ground 
for a retreat in case of any disaster, and being 
entered into the low country must fairly meet his 
fate. He and his little army halted, soon after 
passing Forth, and dined at the house of Leckie, 
belonging to a gentleman of the name of [George] 
Moir, who had the night before been seized in his 
bed by a party of dragoons and carried prisoner to 
Stirling Castle, upon intelligence that he was pre- 
paring to receive and intertain the P. and his fol- 
lowers, which indeed we were in a most hospitable 
manner, as well as many other of our freinds who 
followed soon after. This night we lay at Touch. 

Murray of Broughton, Memorials, 191. 

From Touch [we] marched by the Town of St. 
Ninians, and as [we] passed, some few shott was 
fired from Stirling Castle, but tho the balls fell very 
nigh [the Prince], they hurt nobody. I'he army 
made a halt of some hours near to Bannockburn, 
and had provisions brought them from Stirling and 
the Places about, whille the Chevalier dined att S^ 
H[ugh] P[aterson's], and gott intelligence that the 
dragoons had retired to Linlithgow, and were en- 
campd betwixt the Town and the Bridge, about 
half a mille to the westward. So soon as the Army 
had refreshed themselves he continued his march, 


and encamped about a mille and a half east of 
Falkirk upon the high road to Edn', and took up 
his quarters att the [Earl of Kilmarnock's] House of 
Kallender. The Earl of Kilmarnock, haveing dined 
that day in the Enemy's Camp . . . and all the 
Country about agreeing that [the dragoons] were 
still there, the Chevalier determined to attack them 
before day, and with that view, provided himself with 
guides, and ordered a detachment of five hundred 
men to be ready on a minutes warning. Having 
supped, he retired as if going to bed, to prevent any 
intelligence being given of his designe, and went 
privately to the camp, where he put himself at the 
head of the detachment,^ and marched with a view 
to pass the river of [Avon] att a foord half a mille 
above the bridge and attack the dragoons in flank ; 
but before he had marched above half way, he gott 
intelligence of the Enemys having retired towards 
Ed'" and encamped att Kirkliston Water upon the 
accounts of his aproach, so that he took possession 
of the Town of Linlithgow about six in the morning 
y® 15th, where the rest of the army joined him 
about noon. It happening to be of a Sunday, the 
Chevalier . . . encampd his army to the eastward 
of The Town, and discharged any of the men from 
entering save a very small guard he keept with him- 
self in the Palace, ordered the bells to be rung, the 
church doors to be open'd, and gave orders to assure 

1 Cf, Jacobite Memoirs, 35 ; Maxwell of Kirkconnell, Narra- 
^ive, 33. 


the magestrates in his name that they should not 
be disturbed in their worship; notwithstanding of 
which, the Minister either left the Town, or declined 
preaching, to enduce the ignorant vulgar to believe 
that if he had, he would have been insulted and 
persecuted. In the Evening [the Prince] encamped 
about three milles from the Town, and sleepd him- 
self in a small farm house in the rear of his army, 
having ordered the whole to be under arms next 
morning by five a clock. 

How soon all was ready in the morning [Sep- 
tember 16], the Chevalier drew up his army six in 
front . . . and advanced in the greatest order, not 
a man offering to quite his Ranks, being ready to 
receive the Dragoons in case they should venture 
to attack them. He continued his march in this 
manner till he came to Todshall [Foxhall], a gentle- 
man's (Mr. Horn) seat upon Newliston River, where 
he made a halt for two hours and sent out parties 
to reconnoitre the Enemy, who retired to the Colt 
Bridge,^ about a mille from Edin^ About two in 
the afternoon he advanced to Corsterphan [Cor- 
storphine], three milles from the Capital, where 
were numbers of people mett him from thence, 
chiefly from curiosity, and then filled of to the right 
and encamped at Gray's Milles, 2 milles distant 
from the Citty to the south west, having sent a 
summons to the Provost and Majestrates [in the 

1 Thence — in the 'canter of Colt-Brig '—they fled again, and 
joined Cope upon his landing at Dunbar. 


following terms], requiring them to open their gates 
and receive him into the Town : — 

The Lyon in Mournings i. 249. 

*■ Being now in a condition to make our way into this capital 
of his Majesty's ancient kingdom of Scotland, we hereby '•^ 
summon you to receive us, as you are in duty bound to do. ^ 
And in order to it, we hereby require you upon receipt of this ^ 

to summon the Town Council and take proper measures in it 
for securing the peace and quiet of the city, which we are very "* 

desirous to protect. But if you suffer any of the Usurper's 
troops to enter the town, or any of the canon, arms, or amuni- 
tion now in it, whether belonging to the publick or to private 
persons, to be carried off, we shall take it as a breach of your 1 

duty and a heinous offence against the king and us, and shall 
resent it accordingly. We promise to preserve all the rights 
and liberties of the city, and the particular property of every 
one of his Majesty's subjects. But if any opposition be made 
to us we cannot answer for the consequences, being firmly 
resolved at any rate to enter the city, and in that case, if any of 
the inhabitants are found in arms against us, they must not 
expect to be treated as prisoners of war. 

* (Signed) Charles, Prince Regent. 

' From our Ca?np, 16th September 1745.' 

Home, History, 65. 

Edinburgh had never been fortified; the castle, 
and a wall of unequal height, from ten or twelve 
to eighteen or twenty feet high, shut in the city 
on three sides, and excluded the smugglers. On 
the north side there was no wall : the lake called 
the North Loch came up to the foot of the rock on 
which the castle stands, and was the only defence on 
that side of the city. The town wall in some places 


was strengthened with bastions and provided with 
embrazures, but there were nb cannon mounted upon 
it ; and for a considerable part of the circuit, it was 
no better than a garden wall, or park wall of unusual 
height. In several places it had been built upon, so 
that dwelling houses made part of the wall, and some 
of these houses were commanded by higher houses, 
opposite to them, and without the city: of such 
houses there was one continued row from the Cow- 
gate port to the Nether Bow port. Such was the 
condition of the walls of the city of Edinburgh ; and 
the condition of the men who might be called upon 
to defend them was pretty similar to that of the 

Murray of Broughton, Memorials, 193. 

[The Prince's] summons being read, it was agreed 
upon by the Provost and Majestrates to depute some 
of their number to the Chevalier to know what terms 
were required of them, and to gain a little time to 
see how matters would turn out. Accordingly Baily 
Hamilton, etc., came to Bells milns about [eight 
o'clock] att night. After notice had been given of 
their arrival, and that they were brought into the 
Chevalier's quarters, he ordered Mr. M[urray] to go 
to them and know their errand. They told him that 
they was deputed by the Majestracy and Town 

1 A body of volunteers was enrolled in Edinburgh, but disbanded 
upon Charles's approach. The Castle was held by a garrison 
under General Guest. 


Council to the Prince to know what was expected 
from them ; to which be answered, that his Master 
required no further than that they should open their 
gates to his army and delivre up the arms of the 
Town and garrison, with the ammunition and Mili- 
tary Stores than in the Town, in which case the 
liberties of the Citty should be preserved, and all 
necessary protection given them. They answered, 
that in regard to the arms of the militia they could 
not take upon them to be responsible, as they were 
not in their power, having received them from the 
Castle, but upon the whole desired time to return 
and consult with their breth[re]n. After Mr. M[urray] 
had made his report to the Chevalier, he aggreed that 
they should have two or three hours to bring back 
an answer, but [would] grant them no further respite. 

Home, History ^ 93. 

Soon after the deputies were sent out [from 
Edinburgh], intelligence came . . . that the trans- 
ports with General Cope's army were oif Dunbar. . . . 

This piece of intelligence changed the face of 
affairs. . . . Various proposals were then made in 
the Council, to beat to arms, to ring the alarm-bell, 
and re-assemble the volunteers. To these proposals 
it was objected, that most of the volunteers had left 
the town when they laid down their arms ; that . . . 
the deputies were now in the power of the rebels, 
who, when they heard the alarm-bell, would probably 
hang the deputies. 


About ten o'clock dt night, the deputies returned, 
and brought a letter in answer to the message sent 
by them : — 

< His Royal Highness the Prince Regent thinks his Manifesto, 
and the King his father's declaration already published, a suf- 
ficient capitulation for all His Majesty's subjects to accept of 
with joy. His present demands are, to be received into the city 
as the son and representative of the King his father, and obeyed 
as such when there. His Royal Highness supposes, that since 
the receipt'of his letter to the Provost, no arms or ammunition 
have been suffered to be carried off or concealed, and will 
expect a particular account of all things of that nature. Lastly, 
he expects a positive answer, before two o'clock in the morning, 
otherwise he will think himself obliged to take measures 

* At Gray's Mill, i6th September, 1745. ^y his Highness's 

* (Signed) J. Murray.* 

. . . After long deliberation it was determined to 
send out deputies once more, to beg a suspension of 
hostilities till nine o'clock in the morning. . . . The 
deputies were also instructed to require an explana- 
tion of what was meant by receiving Charles as 
Prince Regent. 

About two o'clock in the morning [September 17] 
the deputies set out in a hackney coach for Gray's 
Mill ; when they arrived there they prevailed upon 
Lord George Murray to second their application for 
a delay; but Charles refused to grant it; and the 
deputies were ordered in his name to get them gone. 

The coach brought them back to Edinburgh, set 


them down in the High-Street, and then drove 
towards the Cannongate. 

Murray of Broughton, Memorials, 194. 

[Meanwhile] the deputies had no sooner [obtained] 
liberty to return, than the Chevalier, sensible that 
they meditated to gain time and tire him out by a 
trifling treaty . . . proposed to send a Detachment 
to render themselves Masters of [Edinburgh] by 
force, in case y® deputies did not return at the 
time appointed with a resolution to surrender. With 
this view he ordered Locheil to putt his people 
under arms . . . and ordered Mr. M[urray] to be 
their guide . . . giving strickt orders to behave with 
all moderation to the Inhabitants, and that the sogers 
should not be allowed to taste spirits, and to pay for 
w*ever they got, promising them two shillings each 
so soon as they rendered themselves Masters of the 
place. The detachment had immediately orders to 
march, and was commanded by Lochiel and Col^ 
O'Sulivan, taking the road by Merkistown [Merchis- 
ton] and Hopes Park, where they passed without 
being observed by the garrison in the Castle, tho so 
near as to hear them distinctly call their rounds, 
and arrived at the nether bow Port without meetting 
any body on their way, and found the wall of the 
Town which flanks the Pleasants and St. Marys 
wind mounted with cannon, but no person appeared. 
Locheil ordered one of his people in a great coat 
and hunting cape to go and demand entrance att the 


gate, whille he was ready to have followed him in 
case he had obtained admittance, but the fellow 
being refused access, and it now being clear day- 
light, Mr. M. proposed to retire to a place call'd St. 
Leonards hills, and after securing themselves from 
the cannon of the Castle, to waite for orders from 
the Chevalier where to attack the town. . . . This 
retreat being thus agreed to, Mr. M. went to the 
rear of the detachment to make them march and 
guide them to the place proposed, but before he had 
time to get so far, the Coach which had returned 
with the deputies came down the High Street, and 
oblidged the Guard to open the Port, upon which 
Locheil took the advantage and rushed in, the guard 
immediately dispersing. Thus did the Chevalier 
render himself master of the Capital without shed- 
ding a drop of Blood. 

Lockhart Papers, ii. 488. 

Our people, with drawn sword and target, with a 
hideous yell and their particular manner of making 
ane attack (they not knowing what resistance they 
might meet with in the town), marched quickly up 
street, no one leaving their rank or order, and forced 
their way into the city guard-house, and took posses- 
sion. The main body drew up in the Parliament 
closs, and guards were immediatly placed at every 
gate of the city; and the inhabitants cannot in 
justice but acknowledge that the behaviour of our 
Highlanders was civil and innocent beyond what 
even their best freinds could have expected. 


Home, History^ 99. 

About ten o'clock [that day, September 17] the 
main body of the rebels, marching by Duddingston 
(to avoid being fired on by the Castle), entered the 
King's Park, and halted in the hollow between the 
hills, under the peak called Arthur's Seat. By and 
by Charles came down to the Duke's Walk, accom- 
panied by the Highland Chiefs, and other com- 
manders of his army. 

The Park was full of people (amongst whom was 
the Author of this history), all of them impatient 
to see this extraordinary person. The figure and 
presence of Charles Stuart were not ill suited to his 
lofty pretensions. He was in the prime of youth, 
tall and handsome, of a fair complexion ; he had a 
light-coloured periwig with his own hair combed over 
the front; he wore the Highland dress, that is, a 
tartan short coat without the plaid, a blue bonnet on 
his head, and on his breast the star of the order of 
St. Andrew. Charles stood some time in the park 
to shew himself to the people ; and then, though 
he was very near the palace, mounted his horse, 
either to render himself more conspicuous, or 
because he rode well, and looked graceful on horse- 
back. . . . 

When Charles came to the palace he dismounted, 
and walked along the piazza, towards the apartment 
of the Duke of Hamilton. When he was near the 
door, which stood open to receive him, a gentleman 
stepped out of the crowd, drew his sword, and raising 


his arm aloft, walked up stairs before Charles. The 
person who enlisted himself in this manner was 
James Hepburn of Keith. . . . He had been en- 
gaged when a very young man in the rebellion of 
the year 1715, and . . . condemned the Union 
between England and Scotland, as injurious, and 
humiliating to his Country ; saying (to use his 
own words), that the Union had made a Scotch 
gentleman of small fortune nobody, and that he 
would die a thousand times rather than submit 
to it. . . . 

The Highlanders, when they entered the town in 
the morning, had secured the Heralds and Pur- 
suivants: at mid-day they surrounded the Cross 
with a body of armed men, and obliged the Heralds 
to proclaim King James, to read the Commission of 
Regency, and the Declaration, dated at Rome in 
December 1743, with a Manifesto in the name of 
Charles, Prince Regent, dated at Paris, i6th of May 
1745. An immense multitude witnessed this cere- 
mony, which was performed at noon. 

The populace . . . huzzaed ; and a number of 
ladies in the windows strained their voices with 
acclamation, and their arms with waving white 
handkerchiefs in honour of the day. 

These demonstrations of joy, amongst people of 
condition, were chiefly confined to one sex; few 
gentlemen were to be seen on the streets, or in the 
windows ; and even amongst the inferior people, 
many shewed their disHke by a stubborn silence. 


September i8-22, 

A month had passed since Charles raised his standard in 
the wilds of Glenfinnan. He was now in possession of the 
capital of his ancestors' ' ancient kingdom. ' Lord Elcho joined 
him. Maclachlan brought some of his Clan, and with them 
came some AthoU men and Grants of Glenmoriston. But the 
battle which Cope had failed to bring on in August was now 
imminent. His force had sailed from Aberdeen on September 
15. On the 17th he disembarked at Dunbar, and was joined 
by Gardiner's and Hamilton's dragoons. On the 21st Charles 
engaged and routed him at Prestonpans.^ 

Home, History^ 105. 

On the 19th of September, Sir John Cope with his 
army left Dunbar, and marched towards Edinburgh. 
This little army made a great show — the cavalry, the 
infantry, the cannon, with a long train of baggage 
carts, extended for several miles along the road. . . . 

That day the army encamped in a field to the 
west of the town of Haddington. . . . Next day 
[September 20] the army moved again, directing 
their movement towards Edinburgh by the post 
road, till they came near Huntington ; and turning 
off there, took the low road by St. Germains and 
Seaton. . . . 

The Van of the army was entering the plain 
between Seaton and Preston, when Lord Loudon, 
who had been sent on to reconnoitre the ground, 
came back at a good pace, and informed the General 

^ Gladsmuir, whose name the Jacobites gave to the battle, lies 
some distance inland from the actual site. 


that the rebels were in full march towards the King's 
army. . . . 

Sir John Cope . . . thought that the plain between 
Seaton and Preston, which he saw before him, was 
a very proper piece of ground to receive them, and 
continued his march along the high road to Preston, 
till he came to the place since well known by the 
name of the field of battle, and there he formed his 
army, fronting the west, from which the enemy was 
expected.^ In a very short time after Sir John Cope 
had taken his ground, the Highland army came in 
sight. . . . 

As the Highlanders in marching from Dudding- 
ston had made a circuit, they did not come from 
that quarter whence they were expected; and Sir 
John Cope, as soon as he saw them appear on his 
left, put his troops in motion, and changing the 
front of his army from west to south, faced the 
enemy. On his right was the village of Preston ; 
and still nearer his right, the East Wall of Mr. 
Erskine of Grange's Park. ... On his left was the 
village of Seaton; in his rear, the village of Cockenzie 
and the sea ; in his front, the rebels and the town of 
Tranent. Between the two armies was a morass ; 

1 Cope was marching due west in his advance from Dunbar 
upon Edinburgh ; his right flank on the sea-coast, his left inland. 
The appearance of the Prince's army upon his left (i.e, south) flank 
compelled him to le-form facing south. Sweeping round, the 
Highlanders again threatened a flank attack upon the left [ue, east) 
of his second position. A third time he formed, faced east, and 
fought the battle with Edinburgh in his rear. 

64 '- • T/f£ FORTY' FIVE 

the ground on each side of it was soft, boggy, and 
full of springs that formed a run of water, which went 
down in a ditch to Seaton, where it ended in a 

Murray of Broughton, Memorials^ 198. 

On Thursday the 19th, in the evening, the 
Chevalier had certain intelligence that G^ Cope 
had marched that morning from Dunbar, and was mi 
to encamp that night att Haddingtown, upon which - ^ 
he immediately gave orders for the gaurds of the 
Citty to retire early next morning, and he went 
himself that night to Duddingston. . . . 

In obedience to the orders given, on the morning 
of the twentieth the gaurds retired from the Citty 
and joined the Army att Duddingston, and brought 
alongst with them some Surgeons, with whom the 
Army was then very ill provided, and some Coaches 
and Chaises were likewise ordered for the Con- 
veniency of the wounded, so certain was the prospect 
of a battle, and even a succesfuU one. Thus all 
things being prepared, about nine in the morning . . . 
the Chevalier putt himself att the head of his small 
army, drawing his sword, said with a very determined 
Countenance, 'Gentlemen, I have flung away the 
Scabbard, with Gods assistance I dont doubt of 
making you a free and happy people, M"^ Cope shall 
not escape us as he did in the Highlands,' and then 
began his march, ordering the few horse he than had, 
not above fifty in number^ to advance att some small 







distance in front, and to detach a few to discover the 
Enemys march. In this manner, with the Camerons 
in front, he marchd in good order, crossing Mussel- 
burogh bridge by Pinkey park wall. 

Jacobite Memoirs, 36.1 

I had the van, and when we were upon the south 
side of Pinkey gardens, we had certain information 
Sir John Cope was at or near Preston, and that, in 
all appearance, he. would endeavour to gain the high 
ground of Fawside. There was no time to deliberate, 
or wait for orders ; I was very well acquainted with 
the grounds, and as I was confident that nothing 
could be done to purpose except the Highlanders 
got above the enemy, I struck off to the right hand 
through the fields, without holding any road. . . . 
In less than half an hour, by marching quick, I got 
to the eminence. . . . We then marched in order, 
advancing towards Tranent, and all the way in sight 
of the enemy. They were drawn up in the plain 
betwixt Preston Grange and Tranent; but thtre 
were meadows, and deep broad ditches, betwixt 
us and them. Mr. O'SuUivan then came up, and, 
after taking a look of the enemy, he took fifty of 
LochieFs people who had the van, and placed them 
in a churchyard at the foot of the town of Tranent, 
for what reason I could not understand. I sent 
Colonel Ker [of Graden] into the meadows to ob- 
serve well the grounds. ... In the mean time, the 

1 From Lord George Murray's Journal. 



enemy brought some of their cannon to bear upon 
the men that were placed at the foot of Tranent. 
They . . . soon wounded a man or two. One of 
Lochiel's officers came to him and told him they 
were much exposed, and did not see what good they 
could possibly do in that place. Lochiel went him- 
self and viewed it, and brought me word that nothing 
could dishearten men more than to be placed in an 
open exposed part, when they could not advance. 
Mr. O'Sullivan was then gone to the rear, so, as I was 
sure the only way to come at the enemy was upon 
the other side of Tranent, I desired Lochiel to march 
those men through the village, and I should march 
the line and join them. Of this I sent word to his 
Royal Highness ; and, it being evening, and no time 
to be lost, I marched accordingly. When I was 
in the middle of the village, and joined by those 
fifty men, Mr. O'Sullivan came up and asked what 
I was doing. I told him . . . that as there were 
exceeding good fields on the east side for the men 
to lie well and safe all that night, I should satisfy 
his Royal Highness how easy it would be to attack 
the enemy by the east side. I took the ground 
I designed ; and when all were past the village ex- 
cept the Atholl brigade, who were to continue on 
the west side above Colonel Gardner's enclosures, 
his Royal Highness came up to the front of the line. 
The men lay all down in rank and file. The place 
was perfectly dry, with stubble, and a small rising in 
their front, just enough to cover them. 


It was now night, and when all the principal 
officers were called together, I proposed the attack- 
ing the enemy at break of day. ... I told them I 
knew the ground myself. . . . There was, indeed, a 
small defile at the east end of the ditches,^ but 
once that was past, there would be no stop, and 
though we should be long on our march, yet when 
the whole line was past the defile, they had nothing 
to do but face to the left, and in a moment the 
whole was formed, and then to attack. The Prince 
was highly pleased with the proposal, as indeed the 
whole officers were ; so, after placing a few piquets, 
every body lay down at their posts, and supped upon 
what they had with them. At midnight the principal 
officers were called again, and all was ordered as 
was at first proposed. Word was sent to the Atholl 
brigade to come off their post at two in the morning 
[September 21], and not to make the least noise. 
Before four the army began to march, and the 
Atholl men came up in good time, who were to be 
the second line, or corps de reserve; those of the 
first line who had the van and the right the day 
before were now, according to what was agreed 
formerly upon, to have the rear and the left ; so the 
line marched from the left, and passed close in the 
front of what had been the right ; this was done 
without the least noise or confusion. The Duke of 

1 This was pointed out to Murray by Robert Anderson of 
Whitburgh, East Lothian, who had been 'out' in the '15. Cf, 
Waverley (ed. 1830), vol. ii. chap. viii. Note i. 


Perth went in the front, and I gave him my guides. 
The AthoU men marched at the same time, in a 
different line, a little behind the first. . . . When 
we were past about a hundred paces from the 
ditches, I immediately concluded, if we went farther, 
we should leave the enemy upon our left flank. I 
therefore called to face about, and the word went 
from the left to the right. We immediately marched 
on to the attack ; and I desired Lochiel to call to 
his men, in going on, to incline to the left ; and I 
believe, by the time we came up to the enemy, the 
Camerons had gained half the ground we had left 
betwixt us and the main ditch. 

Ijockhart Papers^ ii. 490. 

Our right wing was led on by the Duke of Perth 
as Leutenant General, and consisted of the regiments 
of Clanronald, Keppoch, Glengarie, and Glenco, 
under their severall cheifs ; the left by Lord George 
Murray, consisting of the batalions of Camerons 
commanded by Lochiel, the Stewarts by Ardshiel, 
their cheiftain Appin not being with us in this affair ; 
one body of the McGregors with Glencairney [Glen- 
cairnaig], and the rest of the McGregors with the 
Duke of Perths men under Major James Drummond.^ 

Home, History, 113. 

[Meanwhile] Sir John Cope, to secure his army 

1 Son of Rob Roy. His character and later career are sketched 
in Stevenson's Catriona. Cf. Murray Rose, Historical. Notes, 
161 ; Lang, Pickle the Spy, 230. 


during the night [of the 20th], [had] advanced 
piquets and out-guards of horse and foot along the 
side of the morass, very near as far east as the 
village of Seaton. He ordered fires to be kindled 
in the front of his army, and sent down the baggage 
and the military chest to Cockenzie, guarded by 
forty men from one of the regiments of the line, and 
all the Highlanders of his army, who were two 
companies of new raised men, belonging to Lord 
Loudon's regiments, and the two additional com- 
panies of Lord John Murray's regiment, that had 
marched with Sir John Cope from Stirling to Inver- 
ness, and by desertion were reduced to 1 5 men a 

The line of battle, formed along the side of the 
morass, consisted of five companies of Lee's regi- 
ment on the right, of Murray's regiment on the left, 
of eight companies of Lascelles's and two of Guise's 
regiment in the centre. On the right of the line 
of foot were two squadrons of Colonel Gardner's 
regiment of dragoons ; and on the left, two squadrons 
of General Hamilton's, having the third squadron 
of each regiment placed in the rear of the other 
two squadrons without any infantry. The cannon 
were placed on the left of the army (near the waggon 
road from Tranent to Cockenzie), guarded by a com- 
pany of Lee's regiment, commanded by Captain 
Cochrane, under the orders of Lieutenant-Colonel 
Whiteford. ... 

[But] Sir John Cope, informed by the dragoons, 


who had seen the Highlanders, that they were 
coming from the east, immediately . . . changed 
the front of his army from south to east. The 
disposition was the same, and each regiment in 
its former place in the line ; but the out-guards of 
the foot, not having time to find out the regiments 
to which they belonged, placed themselves on the 
right of Lee's five companies, and did not leave 
sufficient room for the two squadrons of dragoons to 
form ; so that the squadron which Colonel Gardner 
commanded was drawn up behind the other squadron 
commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Whitney. The 
artillery with its guard, which had b^en on the left 
and very near the line, was now on the right, a 
little farther from the line, and in the front of 
Lieutenant-Colonel Whitney's squadron. 

The ground between the two armies was an 
extensive corn field, plain and level, without a bush 
or tree. Harvest was just got in, and the ground 
was covered with a thick stubble, which rustled 
under the feet of the Highlanders as they ran on, 
speaking and muttering in a manner that expressed 
and heightened their fierceness and rage. When 
they set out the mist was very thick ; but before 
they had got halfway, the sun rose, dispelled the 
mist, and showed the armies to each other. As 
the left wing of the rebel army had moved before 
the right, their line was somewhat oblique, and 
the Camerons . . . came up directly opposite to 
the cannon, firing at the guard as they advanced. 


The people employed to work the cannon, who 
were not gunners or artillery men,^ fled instantly. 
Colonel Whiteford fired five of the six field pieces 
with his own hand, which killed one private man, 
and wounded an officer in LocheiFs regiment. The 
line seemed to shake, but the men kept going on 
at a great pace ; Colonel Whitney was ordered 
to advance with his squadron and attack the 
rebels before they came up to the cannon: 
the dragoons moved on and were very near the 
cannon, when they received some fire which killed 
several men and wounded Lieutenant - Colonel 
Whitney. The squadron immediately wheeled 
about, rode over the artillery guard, and fled. The 
men of the artillery guard, who had given one fire, 
and that a very indifferent one, dispersed. The 
Highlanders going on without stopping to make 
prisoners, Colonel Gardner was ordered to advance 
with his squadron, and attack them disordered, as 
they seemed to be, with running over the cannon 
and artillery guard. The Colonel advanced at the 
head of his men, encouraging them to charge ; the 
dragoons followed him a little way ; but as soon as 
the fire of the Highlanders reached them, they 
reeled, fell into confusion, and went off" as the other 
squadron had done.^ When the dragoons on the 

1 They were four old soldiers and some sailors from the man- 
of-war which had escorted Cope's transports from Aberdeen. 

2 Gardiner fell shortly after. Doddridge's account of his death 
is quoted in Waverley (ed. 1830), vol. ii. chap. viii. Note II. 


right of the King^s army gave way, the Highlanders, 
most of whom had their pieces still loaded, advanced 
against the foot, firing as they went on. The soldiers, 
confounded and terrified to see the cannon taken, 
and the dragoons put to flight, gave their fire, it is 
said, without orders; the companies of the out- 
guard, being nearest the enemy, were the first that 
fired, and the fire went down the line as far as 
Murray's regiment. The Highlanders threw down 
their musquets, drew their swords, and ran on ; 
the line of foot broke as the fire had been given 
from right to left ; Hamilton's dragoons seeing what 
had happened on the right, and receiving some fire 
at a good distance from the Highlanders advancing 
to attack them, they immediately wheeled about 
and fled, leaving the flank of the foot unguarded. 
The regiment which was next them (Murray's) gave 
their fire and followed the dragoons. In a very few 
minutes after the first cannon was fired, the whole 
army, both horse and foot, were put to flight ; none 
of the soldiers attempted to load their pieces again, 
and not one bayonet was stained with blood. 

Jacobite Memoirs, 40.1 

We on the left pursued to the walls and lane near 
Colonel Gardner's house. A lieutenant-colonel, 
with five other officers, and about fourteen common 
men of the enemy, got in over the ditch and fired 
at us. I got before a hundred of our men, who had 

1 From Lord George Murray's Journal. 


their guns presented to fire upon them, and, at my 
desire, they kept up their fire, so that those officers 
and soldiers surrendered themselves prisoners. ... I 
was told that a number of the enemy were gathering 
in a body near to Tranent, and I perceived a good 
many people on the height. I immediately marched, 
with Lochiel and his regiment, back to the narrow 
causeway that led up to Tranent ; but when I was 
half way up, we found those who were taken for 
enemies were mostly servants belonging to our 
army, and some country people. I got intelligence, 
at the same time, that a number of the enemy were 
at Cockenny [Cockenzie]. I immediately made the 
rear the front of Lochiel's men, and went with Lochiel 
straight to Cockenny, leaving our prisoners with a 
guard. This place was about a mile to the right of 
where we first engaged. There were about three hun- 
dred of the enemy there, above the half of them being 
their Highlanders. As they were within walls, they 
thought of defending themselves ; but hearing that 
we were masters of their cannon, and as they could 
expect no assistance, they surrendered at discretion. 
The baggage of their army was all at that place. By 
the list I caused take that afternoon, by their own 
sergeants and corporals, we had made betwixt 
sixteen and seventeen hundred prisoners, of which 
about seventy [were] officers.^ 

1 Other narratives of the battle are in Lockhart Papers, ii. 448 ; 
Hewins, Whitefoord Papers, 89 ; Ray, CompUat History, 41 ; 
Marchant, History, 99 ; Skirving's ballad on the battle, in Scott, 


After the victory, the pursuit of Cope across the Border was 
debated in the Prince's Council. The project was, however, 
abandoned owing to the weakness of the army, its defective 
equipment, and the difficulty of maintaining communications in 
its rear. On September 22 the Prince returned to Edinburgh. 

Tales of a Grandfather^ chap. Ixxviii. ; Scots Magaxine, 1745, 
p. 439 ; Henderson, History of the Rebellion, 76 ; Report on General 
Copers Conduct, 37, App. 27, 355 ; Charles's letter to his £sither 
after the battle in The Lyon in Mourning, i. 211 ; Murray of 
Broughton, Memorials, 200 ; Cope's letters to Tweeddale and New- 
castle, dated September 21, 22, 1745, ^^ State Papers, Domestic ; 
Allardyce, Historical Papers, i. 279 ; Gentleman*s Magazine, 
1745, p. 517 ; Oliphant, Jacobite Lairds of Gask, in ; Johnstone, 
Memoirs, 21 ; Maxwell of Kirkconnell, Narrative, 39. 



Smollett, History t xi. 322. 

While the young Pretender endeavoured to improve 
the advantages he had gained, the Ministry of Great 
Britain took every possible measure to retard his 
progress. . . . Immediately after the defeat of Cope, 
six thousand Dutch troops arrived in England, and 
three battalions of guards, with seven regiments of 
infantry, were recalled from Flanders for the defence 
of the kingdom. They forthwith began their march 
to the North, under the command of General Wade, 
who received orders to assemble an army, which 
proceeded to Newcastle [by October 29]. The 
parliament meeting on the [seventeenth] day of 
October, his Majesty gave them to understand, that 
an unnatural rebellion had broke out in Scotland, 
towards the suppression of which he craved their 
advice and assistance. He found both Houses 
cordial in their addresses, and zealous in their 
attachment to his person and government. The 
commons forthwith suspended the Habeas Corpus 



act; and several persons were apprehended on 
suspicion of treasonable practices. Immediately 
after the session was opened, the Duke of Cumber- 
land arrived [October 19] from the Netherlands, and 
was followed by another detachment of dragoons 
and infantry.! The train bands of London were 
reviewed by his Majesty : the county regiments 
were completed: the volunteers in different parts 
of the kingdom employed themselves industriously 
in the exercise of arms; and the whole English 
nation seemed to rise up as one man against this 
formidable invader. 

September 22— October 31. 

While the Government was preparing more strenuous 
measures, Charles remained in Edinburgh, nor did he make 
a further advance until October 31. In the interval he was 
joined by Lords Ogilvy, Pitsligo, Kilmarnock, Balmerino, Niths- 
dale, Kenmure, and others. France at length countenanced 
his enterprise, and the Marquis d'Eguilles' was received by 
Charles at Ilolyrood with much ceremony as titular French 
Ambassador. Colonel James Grante with gunners and artillery 
arrived from France soon after. But in the Prince's Council 
ominous signs of cleavage were already apparent. 

1 On October 25, Sir John Ligonier's horse, Bland's dragoons, 
St. Clair's, Harrison's, Huske*s, and Beauclerk's foot, and a troop 
of hussars, arrived in the Thames from Flanders. — Scots Magazine^ 

1745. P- 489. 

' His instructions are in Pichot, Histoire de Charles-^dauard, 
App. His narrative of his embassy is in Revue Retrospective, 


Lord Elchos lournal^ 

The Prince formed a council which met regularly 
every morning in his drawing-room. The gentlemen 
whom he called to it were the Duke of Perth, Lord 
Lewis Gordon, Lord George Murray, Lord Elcho, 
Lord Ogilvie, Lord Pitsligo, Lord Nairne, Lochiel, 
Keppoch, Clanranald, Glencoe, Lochgarry, Ardshiel, 
Sir Thomas Sheridan, Colonel O'Sullivan, Glen- 
bucket, and Secretary Murray.^ The Prince, in 
this council, used always first to declare what he 
himself was for, and then he asked every body's 
opinion in their turn. There was one-third of the 
council whose principles were, that kings and princes 
can never either act or think wrong; so, in con- 
sequence, they always confirmed whatever the Prince 
said. The other two-thirds, who thought that kings 
and princes thought sometimes like other men, and 
were not altogether infallible, and that this Prince was 
no more so than others, and therefore begged leave 
to differ from him when they could give sufficient 
reasons for their difference of opinion. This very 
often was no hard matter to do ; for as the Prince 
and his old governor. Sir Thomas Sheridan, were 
altogether ignorant of the ways and customs of 
Great Britain, and both much for the doctrine of 
absolute monarchy, they would very often, had they 
not been prevented, have fallen into blunders which 

1 Quoted in Scott, Tales of a Grandfather, chap. Ixxix. 

2 Cf, Atholl Correspondence^ 25, for another list of the Prince's 


might have hurt the cause. The Prince could not 
bear to hear any body differ in sentiment from him, 
and took a dislike to every body that did ; for he 
had a notion of commanding this army as any 
general does a body of mercenaries, and so let them 
know only what he pleased, and expected them to 
obey without enquiring further about the matter. 
This might have done better had his favourites been 
people of the country ; but as they were Irish, and 
had nothing to risk, the people of fashion that had 
their all at stake . . . thought they had a title to 
know and be consulted in what was for the good of 
the cause in which they had so much concern ; and 
if it had not been for their insisting strongly upon it, 
the Prince, when he found that his sentiments were 
not always approved of, would have abolished this 
council long ere he did. 

Murray of Broughton, Memorials, 231. 

[Prince Charles] called a Councill of war the night 
of the 30th, where were present his Grace the Duke 
of Athol, D. of Perth, L. George Murray, Lord Elcho, 
L. Pitsligo, Cameron of Locheil, Mcdonald of Ke- 
pock, M'^donald of Clanronald, Mcdonald of Loch- 
garay, etc., to consult of his march Southwards. . . . 
The Chevalier him self was clear for marching towards 
Newcastle, first, because M' Wade could only arrive 
there a day or two before him, and Consequently his 
troops must have been very much fatigued with their 
long march after a Campaigne in Flanders. Secondly, 


having been unsuccessful there, together with Copes 
defeat then quite recent, made it reasonable to 
believe that they would not act with that vigour 
they might do if let to rest for any time; thirdly, 
their numbers were not so greatly superior to his 
own . . . 4*My, to march towards Carlile would be 
a means to dishearten his own Army, as it would 
look like shunning Wade . . . 5*^, the advantages 
following a victory in these parts would be innumer- 
able ; the reduction of Newcastle . . . would enable 
him to strecken the Citty of London and very pro- 
bably create the utmost Confussion amongst the 
inhabitants, which might have . . . made him 
absolute master of all Northumberland and the 
County of Durham, with Cumberland to the gates 
of Carlile, and . . . given the fairest opportunity 
to all his friends to join him from Lancashire, York- 
shire, etc., and Could then have left a garrison in 
the place and marched fon^ard before any Con- 
siderable force could be got together to oppose 
him. . . . 

On the other hand, my l^ord George Murray with 
most of the Cheifs argued, that his marching into 
England being Cheifly to give his friends there an 
opportunity to join him, they thought he ought not 
to risque a battle unless upon good terms. . . . That 
should he be defeated his affairs would be totally 
ruined, and a retreat very difficult should the Enemy 
follow the strock, having the river of Tweed to cross. 
. . . That the road by Ouler [Wooler] and Whiting- 


ham . . . was extremely bad, and as some rains had 
lately fain, might be impassible with his Cannon and 
other Carriages . . . and therefore they was of 
opinion that by marching to Carlile and being 
there joined by his freinds from Lancashire, North- 
umberland, etc., as he expected, they might then 
Choose to march to NewCastle and give M^ Wade 
Battle or not as should be thought most advis- 
able. . . . 

After a very long debate on both sides, the Council 
was adjourned till next morning at nine aClock. . . . 
But when the Chevalier had retired to his own 
apartment he begun to reflect, that as the most if 
not all the Cheifs were for marching to Carlile, his 
forcing them the other road contrary to their inclina- 
tions might be of bad Consequences . . . as it might 
thereby enduce some of the Solgers to desert, thinking 
themselves warranted to do it as being against their 
Cheifs opinion. . . . Accordingly next day [October 
31], how soon the Council had mett, he told them 
. . . that he was ready to follow their advice. . . . 
This condescention on his part, made in so oblidging 
a manner, and as if proceeding from the Superior 
strength of their arguments, seemd to give great 
contentment. . . . 

He then told [the Council] that what to him 
appeared the most proper Step to be taken was to 
march at the head of the Clans to Kelsoe, which 
would cover his design, it being on the Road to 
Newcastle, and probably bring Wade to Morpeth 


to meet him ... by which means it would not be 
in his power, however willing, to gett to Carlile 
before him, and that the other Column with the 
Cannon and heavy baggage should march to Peebles, 
which . . . could not for the first day discover their 
intentions — so, halting one day with the Clans att 
Kelsoe, or even two if found necessary, would 
effectually disappoint M' Wade, and give the 2^ 
Column time to march up the Tweed by Drumelzier 
to Moffat, and join him at Carlile. This proposal 
. . . was universally approven of by all present . . . 
and D. of A[tholl] Charged with the Command of 
the 2^ Column, D. of P[erth] under him; the 
Chevalier the first, L. G[eorge Murray] under him. 
The first was composed of the Camerons, MMonalds 
of Glengary, M^donalds of Kappoch, M^donalds of 
Clanronald, M^donalds of Glencoe, the Steuarts, 
M^'grigors — and M^kinnons. The 2^ was composed 
of the Athol Brigade, D. of Perths Regiment, 
Glenbuckets, Roy Steuarts, Lord Ogilveys and the 
M^'pharsons, Lord Elchoes and Balmerinoes [Life- 
guards], the [Lord Kilmarnock's] Perthshire horse. 
L[ord] Pitsligoes troop with the Hussars commanded 
by Major Bagget marched with the first Column. 
The Carriages having been all previously provided 
with a large quantity of biscuit, and nothing further 
requisite to be done, it was determined to evacuate 
the Citty of Ed[inburgh] y® [ist] of November. 

Before entering England, Charles published a Proclamation, 
in which he declared for liberty of conscience, inveighed 



against the National Debt, condemned the Act of Union, and 
continued : — 

State Papers t Dom. October lo, 1745. ^ 

That our family has suffered exile during these 
fifty-seven years, everybody knows. Has the nation, 
during that period of time, been the more happy 
and flourishing for it ? Have you found reason to 
love and cherish your governors as the fathers of 
the people of Great Britain and Ireland? Has a 
family upon whom a faction unlawfully bestowed 
the diadem of a rightful prince retained a due 
sense of so great a trust and favour? Have you 
found more humanity and condescension in those 
who were not born to a crown than in my royal 
forefathers? Have their ears been open to the 
cries of the people ? Have they or do they consider 
only the interest of these nations ? Have you reaped 
any other benefit from them than an immense load 
of debts ? If I am answered in the affirmative, why 
has their government been so often railed at in 
your open assemblies ? Why has the nation been 
so long crying out in vain for redress against the 
abuse of parliaments, upon account of their long 
duration, the multitude of placemen which occasions 
their venality, the introduction of penal laws, and, 
in general, against the miserable situation of the 
kingdom at home and abroad ? All these and many 
other inconveniences must now be removed, unless 
the people of Great Britain be already so far 

1 Quoted in Ewald, Life of Prince Charles t 142. 


corrupted, that they will not accept of freedom 
when offered to them ; seeing the King, on his 
restoration, will refuse nothing that a free parliament 
can ask, for the security of the religion, laws, and 
liberty of his people. 

November 1-17. 

As the Council had resolved on October 31, the army ad- 
vanced into England in two columns. The Dukes of Perth 
and Atholl took the western route through Peebles, Moffat, and 
Lockerby. The Prince and Lord George Murray marched 
through Lauder, Kelso, Jedburgh, and Longtown.^ 

Home, History, 137. 

When the rebels began their march to the south- 
ward, they were not 6000 men complete; they 
exceeded 5500, of whom 4 or 500 were cavalry; 
and of the whole number, not quite 4000 were 
real Highlanders, who formed the Clan regiments, 
and were indeed the strength of the rebel army. 
All the regiments of foot wore the Highland garb : 
they were thirteen in number,^ many of them very 
small. Besides the two troops of horse-guards, there 
were Lord Pitsligo's and Strathallan's horse. Lord 

1 For accounts of the march, cf. Murray of Broughton, 
Memorials, 236 ; Maxwell of Kirkconnell, Narrative, 61 ; Spalding 
Club Miscellany, i. 290; The Lyon in Mourning, ii. 115, 192. 

2 They were Lord Nairne's, Mercer of Aldie's, Menzies of 
Shian's, Lord Ogilvy's, Duke of Perth's, Gordon of Glenbucket's, 
John Roy Stewart's, Cameron of Lochiel's, Macdonald of Clan- 
ranald's, Glengarry's. Keppoch's, Cluny's, and Stewart of Appin's. 
— Blaikie, Itinerary, 92. 


Kilmarnock's horse grenadiers, and a troop of light 
horse or hussars to scour the country and procure 
intelligence. The pay of a captain in this army 
was half a crown a day ; the pay of a lieutenant, two 
shillings; the pay of an ensign, one shilling and 
sixpence ; and every private man received sixpence 
a day, without deduction. In the Clan regiments, 
every company had two captains, two lieutenants, 
and two ensigns. The front rank of each regiment 
consisted of persons who called themselves gentle- 
men, and were paid one shilling a day; these 
gentlemen were better armed than the men in the 
ranks behind them, and had all of them targets, 
which many of the others had not. . . . 

The train of artillery which belonged to this army 
of invaders consisted of General Cope's field pieces, 
taken at the battle of Preston, and of some pieces 
of a larger caliber, brought over in the ships from 
France, amountmg in all to 13 pieces of cannon. 

On November 9 the two columns united near Carlisle and 
advanced upon the city. 

Mounsey, Carlisle in 1745, ^S-^ 

On Sunday the loth, the main body of the Rebels 
were seen passing at a distance from [Carlisle], 
having crossed the river Eden below the town ; we - 
were told the Pretender himself had lodged the 
night before at Moor House. That day there being 

1 From the narrative of Dr. Waugh, Chancellor of the Diocese 
of Carlisle. 


a thick fogg, we could not see them so distinctly 
from the batterys as we might otherwise have done ; 
but when we saw them . . . they were fired upon 
from the Castle, Citadell, and every part where the 
guns could bear upon them. . . . 

About 3 o'clock that afternoon, one Robinson, 
a countryman, who said he was compelled to come, 
brought in a letter directed to the Mayor, from the 
young Pretender . . . which was immediately shown 
to the Governor, the officers of the Militia, and 
Garrison, the Magistrates, etc. ; who were all called 
together at the Bush, and without the least hesita- 
tion agreed, that no answer ought to be sent. . . . 
Several parties that were seen about the town were 
fired upon the next day, Monday the nth, par- 
ticularly a party that came to Stanwix, said to 
be commanded by Glenbucket. ... On Tuesday 
[November 12] all was quiet, and several accounts, 
from spies we sent out and others, agreed that 
the main body of the Rebels had gone over Warwick 
Bridge towards Brampton. . . . But on Wednesday 
the 13th, several accounts were brought us, that a 
party about Warwick were very busy making scaling 
ladders. . . . About 4 or 5 o'clock this afternoon 
I was sent for to the King's Arms, where Col. 
Durand^ was at dinner, with several of the Militia 
officers, when he received an answer from Marshal 
Wade to a letter he had sent him by an express, 

1 Carlisle was garrisoned by the Cumberland and Westmore- 
land Militia. Colonel Durand was in command. 


to acquaint him with what we had done for our 
defence, and with the whole force of the rebels 
being then before us. . . . 

Upon the reading of it [wherein Wade held out 
no hope of speedy relief], several of the militia 
officers . . . desired the Col. would open the gates 
and let them go out in the night, in order to save 
themselves and their men ; which he refusing ab- 
solutely to comply with . . . they were again pre- 
vailed with to stand to their arms that night ; and 
did their duty more regularly, making fewer alarms 
than any night before. . . . The Rebels, before 
morning, were returned, and a party of them were 
working at a trench for erecting a battery, behind 
a hedge opposite to the Cittadell. In the morning 
of Thursday, the 14th, Col. Durand . . . received 
a paper from the militia officers, [and] went im- 
mediately up to the room in the King's Arms where 
these officers were met; and (as it appeared from 
what passed after they came out of that room 
to all of us that were in the house) had been 
endeavouring to induce them not to think of 
giving up when there was so little appearance of 
danger. . . . 

In this situation we had a meeting in the Town 
Hall, where many of the people seemed quite 
desperate, as thinking they were ruined and undone 
in case the Rebels entered. [The acting Mayor, 
Thomas] Pattinson came there, took the direction 
on himself, and . . . said the question was. Whether 


we should open the gates to the Rebels, or not open 
the gates ^ Mr. Tullie, the Recorder, Mr. Wilson, 
myself, and many others, told him that was not 
the question ; the thing we came there to consider 
was, what could be done in the present situation, 
as the Militia would do no more? . . . that all 
that now appeared to us rational to be done for 
the service of the Government was to retire into 
the Castle, to defend that, which we were resolved 
to do. . . . 

We immediately removed what valuable effects 
we could into the Castle, which was pretty well 
supplied with stores of provisions. . . . Some of 
the principal of the Militia officers having joined 
us . . . and having brought in about 400 men . . . 
with which we were so confident that we were able 
to make a good defence, all agreed to Col. Durand's 
sending ... to Mr. Wade with an account of our 
resolution, and of the steps that had been taken. . . . 
Some time after we were in the Castle, towards 
evening, the Mayor came to demand the keys of 
the town, as Col. D[urand] had retired into the 
Castle j and John Davinson, merchant, John Graham, 
apothecary, and Doctor Douglass, a physician, were 
sent out [to Charles's camp]. . . . About the time 
they went out. Col. Durand sent the engineer to 
spike the guns on the Town Walls and Cittadell. . . . 

About ten o'clock the messengers who had been 
sent out by the Militia and the Mayor being re- 
turned, said that the flags had been sent to the 


Pretender's son at Brampton, and that the answer 
was — That he would grant no terms to the Town, nor 
treat about it at all unless the Castle was surrendered ; 
likewise if that was dofte all should have honourable 
terms ; the inhabitants should be protected in their 
persons and estates, and every one be at liberty to go 
where they pleased, ... I received a message from 
Col. Durand to desire I would come to the Castle. 
I met, as I went into the guard room, most of the 
officers of the Militia, and several of the principal 
inhabitants coming out; and was told by Col. 
Durand that they had acquainted him what the 
answer was from the Rebels; and that they had 
begged he would take it into consideration . . . 
[and] that he had called a Council of War, at which 
I might be present ; the result of which was, that the 
Castle was not to be held.^ 

Murray of Broughton and the Duke of Perth were appointed 
by Charles to negotiate the surrender of Carlisle, the terms of 
which allowed Colonel Durand and the garrison to depart to 
their homes.' On November 17 the Prince entered the city. 

November 18— December 4. 

The Prince's strategy had fulfilled its purpose in regard to 
Wade. The Marshal had remained in Newcastle until Novem- 
ber 16. He then advanced to Hexham, half-way towards 
Carlisle, but finding the roads impassable, returned to New- 
castle, whence, upon the Prince advancing into Lancashire, 

1 Cf.,ior the siege, Scots Magazine ^ 1745, P« 5*9; Gentleman's 
Magazine, 1745, P- 609 ; 1746, p. 233. 
3 Cf. Murray of Broughton, Memorials^ 241. 


he set off in pursuit on November 24. Another force, under 
Sir John Ligonier, had already left London to confront the 
Prince should he continue his advance, and Lieut. -General 
Handasyde with a force of infantry and cavalry reached Edin- 
burgh on November 14, and proceeded to Stirling. 

Murray of Broughton, Memorials, 243. 

Upon the eighteenth [of November] a Council of 
war was Called [at Carlisle] to determine of what 
was next to be done, and after some deliberation it 
was agreed on to march into Lancashire.^ Tho the 
Chevalier in all appearance had little reason to 
expect any considerable assistance from his freinds 
there, if held in the same light with those in Nor- 
thumberland, where only two gentlemen joind him, 
yet he was determined that they should not have it 
to say that it was oweing to the difficulty of passing 
the militia in the Country, and that their people 
were unwilling to rise without some troops to make 
a head for them, and therefore fixed his departure 
for the 20***. To have laid there [Carlisle] any longer 
would have been both idle and dangerous . . . 
M' Wade [being] at Newcastle, and the 2 Regiments 
with the foot detached to Scottland on his left. So 
to prevent a junction of the D[uke of Cumberland's] 
and M^ Wade's armies, his only proper methode 
was to march forward, that in case he came to action 
he might only have one army to deal with, whereas 
had they Continued [at Carlisle] till the D. [of 
Cumberland*]s march north, who would have been 

1 Cf. lacobite Memoirs^ 48. 


joind by M"^ Wade from Newcastle near to Carlile, 
he had only 3 things to choose upon — first, to fight 
with an army more than 3 times his number, give 
them the Slip if possible and march South, where 
it was most certain nobody would join him, seeing 
such a powerfull army in his rear, which he must one 
day have engaged, or lastly, to have retired to Scott- 
land where he must have encountered [Handasyde] 
with Dreus and Ligonier's Regiment of foot, the 
Glasgow, Paisley and Lothian militia, and Hamiltons 
and the Late Gardners Dragoons, who were Sufficient 
to Stop his passage over the Firth till the D[uke] 
and M' Wade had comed up; besides, he must 
have had the whole horse of these armies harassing 
his rear the whole way on his march from Carlile. 

Johnstone, Memoirs^ 46. 

Our cavalry left Carlisle on the 20th of November, 
and marched that day to Penrith. ... It consisted 
of two companies of life-guards, composed of young 
gentlemen. Lord Elcho, now Earl of Wemyss and 
a peer of Scotland, a nobleman equally distinguished 
for his illustrious birth and his singular merit, com- 
manded the first company; and Lord Balmerino 
commanded the second. Besides the life-guards, 
there was a body of one hundred and fifty gentlemen 
on horseback, commanded by Lord Pitsligo. On 
the 2 1 St, the Prince followed with the infantry, and 
passed the night at Penrith ; Lord Elcho, with the 
cavalry which he commanded, as first captain of the 


life-guards, passed the night at Shap, a village eight 
miles south from Penrith. The Prince, on quitting 
Carlisle, left a garrison of two or three hundred 
men in the castle. 

On the 2 2d, the cavalry advanced to Kendal, 
and the infantry, with the Prince, remained at Pen- 
rith ; and on the 23d the cavalry and infantry met 
at Kendal. On the 24th, the cavalry passed the 
night at Lancaster, whilst the infantry rested at 
Kendal ; and on the 25th, the cavalry advanced to 
Preston, and the infantry passed the night at Lan- 

The cavalry, having passed the bridge of Preston 
on the 26th, occupied a village near the suburbs^ 
and our infantry arrived at Preston.^ The Prince 
held here a council of the chiefs of clans j gave 
them fresh hopes of being joined by his English 
partisans on their arrival at Manchester; and per- 
suaded them to continue their march. The whole 
army was allowed to rest itself during the 27th at 
Preston. On the 28th our army left Preston, and 
passed the night at Wigan ; and on the 29th we 
arrived at Manchester, where we remained during 
the 30th. . . . 

One of my Serjeants, named Dickson, whom I 
had enlisted from among the prisoners of war at 

1 Lord George Murray at once led his troops across the Ribble, 
' to convince them that the Town Should not be their ne plus 
ultra,* as it had been in the invasions of 1648 and 1715. — Murray 
of Broughton, Memorials ^ 245. 


Gladsmuir, a young Scotsman, as brave and intrepid 
as a lion, and very much attached to my interest, 
[had] informed me, on the 27th, at Preston, that he 
had been beating up for recruits all day without 
getting one; and that he was the more chagrined 
at this, as the other Serjeants had had better success. 
He therefore came to ask my permission to get a 
day's march a-head of the army, by setting out 
immediately for Manchester ... in order to make 
sure of some recruits before the arrival of the army. 
He had quitted Preston in the evening, with his 
mistress and my drummer; and having marched all 
night, he arrived next morning at Manchester . . . 
and immediately began to beat up for recruits for 
*the yellow-haired laddie.' The populace, at first, 
did not interrupt him, conceiving our army to be 
near the town; but as soon as they knew that it 
would not arrive till the evening, they surrounded 
him in a tumultuous manner, with the intention of 
taking him prisoner, alive or dead. Dickson pre- 
sented his blunderbuss, which was charged with 
slugs, threatening to blow out the brains of those 
who first dared to lay hands on himself or the two 
who accompanied him ; and by turning round con- 
tinually, facing in all directions, and behaving like 
a lion, he soon enlarged the circle, which a crowd 
of people had formed round them. Having con- 
tinued for some time to manoeuvre in this way, 
those of the inhabitants of Manchester who were 
attached to the house of Stuart, took arms, and 


flew to the assistance of Dickson, to rescue him 
from the fury of the mob ; so that he soon had five 
or six hundred men to aid him, who dispersed the 
crowd in a very short time. Dickson now triumphed 
in his turn ; and putting himself at the head of his 
followers, he proudly paraded undisturbed the whole 
day with his drummer, enlisting for my company 
all who offered themselves. . . . 

I did not derive any advantage from these recruits, 
to the great regret of Dickson. Mr. [Francis] Town- 
ley, formerly an officer in the service of France, 
who had joined us some days before, obtained the 
rank of colonel, with permission to raise a regiment 
entirely composed of English ; and the Prince 
ordered me to deliver over to him all those whom 
Dickson had enlisted for me. It was called the 
Manchester regiment, and never exceeded three 
hundred men ; of whom the recruits furnished by 
my Serjeant formed more than the half. These were 
all the English who ever declared themselves openly 
in favour of the Prince : and the chiefs of the clans 
were not far wrong, therefore, in distrusting the 
pretended succours on which the Prince so im- 
plicitly relied. 

At Manchester the advisability of retreating to Scotland was 
discussed.^ It was determined, however, to continue the 
advance at least to Derby, and on December i the march was 
resumed. Meanwhile, the Duke of Cumberland had taken 
over Sir John Ligonier's command at Lichfield on November 27. 

1 Vide Maxwell of Kirkconnell, Narrative ^ 70. 


Jacobite Memoirs, 53.1 

When we came to Macclesfield [December i], we 
had certain intelligence that the Duke of Cumber- 
land's army was on its march, and were quartered at 
Litchfield, Coventry, Stafford, and Newcastle under 
Line. We resolved to march for Derby; and to 
cover our intentions, I offered to go with a column 
of the army to Congleton, which was the straight 
road to Litchfield, so that the enemy would have 
reason to think we intended to come upon them, 
which would make them gather in a body, and 
readily advance upon that road, so that we could 
get before them to Derby. This was agreed to. 
A little before I came to Congleton, the Duke 
of Kingston and his horse retired towards New- 
castle under Line, where Mr. Weir with one or 
two others were taken, and some escaped out of 
windows. This Weir was principal spy. We 
heard afterwards that the body of the enemy, who 
were at Newcastle under Line, retreated towards 
Litchfield, and other bodies of them that were 
farthest back advanced, so as to gather their army 
into a body about that place," which entirely 
answered our design; for next morning early, I 
turned off to the left, and passing through Leek, 
got that evening to Ashburn. His Royal Highness, 
who had halted a day at Macclesfield, came the 
next [December 3] to Leek, a little after I passed 
through it. 

1 From Lord George Murray's Journal. 


I got to Derby about mid-day on the [4]th^ 
December, and his Royal Highness, with the other 
column, came that evening. 

Scots Magazine ^ 1745 • P* ^'S-^ 

On Wednesday the 4th of December, about 
eleven o'clock, two of the rebels vanguard entered 
this town [Derby], inquired for the magistrates, and 
demanded billets for 9000 men or more. A short 
while after, the vanguard rode into town, consisting 
of about 30 men, clothed in blue faced with red, 
and scarlet waistcoats with gold lace \ and being 
likely men, made a good appearance. They were 
drawn up in the market-place, and sat on horse- 
back two or three hours. At the same time the bells 
were rung, and several bonfires made, to prevent 
any resentment from them that might ensue on 
our shewing a dislike of their coming 'among us. 
About three after noon. Lord Elcho, with the life- 
guards, and many of their chiefs, arrived on horse- 
back, to the number of about 150, most of them 
clothed as above. These made a fine shew, being 
the flower of their army. Soon after, their main body 
marched into town, in tolerable order, six or eight 
abreast, with about eight standards, most of them 
white flags and a red cross ; their bagpipers playing 
as they marched along. While they were in the 

1 Cf, Blaikie, Itinerary, 30. 

2 An unexpurgated version of this letter is in Gentleman's 
Magazine, 1745, P* 7^- 


market-place, they ordered their Prince to be 
publickly proclaimed before he arrived ; which was 
accordingly done by the common cryer. They 
then insisted upon the magistrates appearing in 
their gowns; but being told they had sent them 
out of town, were content to have that ceremony 
excused. Their Prince did not arrive till the dusk 
of the evening. He walked on foot, attended by a 
great body of his men, who conducted him to his 
lodgings. ... At their coming in, they were generally 
treated with bread, cheese, beer, and ale, whilst all 
hands were aloft getting their suppers ready. After 
supper, being weary with their long march, they 
went to rest, most upon straw, and others in beds. 

December 5-17. 

Jacobite Memoirs ^ 54.^ 

Next day [December 5], when most of the officers 
were at the Prince's quarters [at Derby], it was con- 
sidered what next was to be resolved on. We did 
not doubt but that the Duke of Cumberland would 
be that night at Stafford, which was as near to 
London as Derby. Mr Wade was coming up by 
hard marches the east road, and we knew that an 
army, at least equal to any of these, would be formed 
near London ... so that there would be three armies, 
made up of regular troops, that would surround us, 
being above thirty thousand men, whereas we were 
not above five thousand fighting men, if so many. 

^ From Lord George Murray's Journal. 


His Royal Highness had no regard to his own 
danger, but pressed with all the force of argument 
to go forward. He . . . was .hopeful there might 
be a defection in the enemy's army, and that severals 
would declare for him. He wa^^so very bent on 
putting all to the risk, that the Duke of Perth was 
for it, since his Royal Highness was. At last he 
proposed going to Wales, instead of returning to 
Carlisle, but every other officer declared their 
opinions for a retreat, which some thought would 
be scarce practicable. I said all that I thought of 
to persuade the retreat, and indeed the arguments 
to me seemed unanswerable ; and ... I offered to 
make the retreat, and be always in the rear myself, 
and that each regiment would take it by turns till 
we came to Carlisle. ... As all the officers agreed 
in this opinion, his Royal Highness said he would 
consent to it, though it was observed he was much 
disappointed to be so near London, and yet not in 
a condition to march forwards. 

Smollett, History, xi. 225. 

Had Charles proceeded in his career with that 
expedition which he had hitherto used, he might 
have made himself master of the metropolis, where 
he would have been certainly joined by a con- 
siderable number of his well-wishers, who waited 
impatiently for his approach : yet this exploit could 
not have been achieved without hazarding an en- 
gagement. Orders were given for forming a camp 



on Finchley-common, where the King resolved to 
take the field in person, accompanied by the Earl 
of Stair, Field-marechal and Commander in Chief 
of the forces in South-Britain. Some Romish 
Priests were apprehended: the militia of London 
and Middlesex were kept in readiness to march : 
double watches were posted at the city-gates, and 
signals of alarm appointed. The volunteers of the 
city were incorporated into a regiment : the practi- 
tioners of the law, headed by the Judges, weavers 
of Spital-Fields, and other communities, engaged in 
associations : and even the managers of the theatres 
offered to raise a body of their dependents for the 
service of the government. Notwithstanding these 
precautions and appearances of unanimity, the 
trading part of the city, and those concerned in 
the money corporations, were overwhelmed with 
fear and dejection. 

That London would have fallen without a resistance equal 
at least to that of Carlisle is improbable. To have laid siege 
to the city with Cumberland's and Wade*s unbeaten armies 
operating in the field would have been madness. Even had 
the Prince obtained and kept possession of it, he would inevit- 
ably in his turn have been besieged. Neither from France 
nor Scotland was there prospect of adequate reinforcements* 
and he and his army would have faced the necessity, either to 
surrender, or to cut their way out in a desperate rush towards 
Scotland. His assent to the retreat from Derby was therefore 
wisely, albeit reluctantly given. 

Maxwell of Kirkconnell, Narrative, 78. 

The retreat was begun on the 6th. To conceal it 


from the enemy as long as possible, a party of horse 
was ordered to advance some miles toward them, 
while the army took the road to Ashborn ; and to keep 
the army in suspense, powder and ball were distri- 
buted as before an action, and it was insinuated that 
Wade was at hand, and they were going to fight 
him; but when the soldiers found themselves on 
the road to Ashborn, they began to suspect the 
truth, and seemed extremely dejected. All had 
expressed the greatest ardour upon hearing at Derby 
that they were within a day's march of the Duke of 
Cumberland ; they were at a loss what to think of 
this retreat, of which they did not know the real 
motives; but even such as knew them, and thought 
the retreat the only reasonable scheme, could hardly 
be reconciled to it. When it was question of putting 
it in practice, another artifice was thought of to 
amuse them. It was given out that the reinforce- 
ments expected from Scotland were on the road, 
and had already entered England; that Wade was 
endeavouring to intercept them, and the Prince was 
marching to their relief; that as soon as they had 
joined him, he would resume his march to London. 
This pretext was plausible. . . . The hopes of 
returning immediately made them somewhat easy 
under their present disappointment, but still all was 
sullen and silent that whole day. 

Johnstone, Memoirs, 63. 

On the 6th of December our army passed the 



night at Ashborn ; on the 7th we reached Leek ; 
the 8th, Macclesfield; the 9th, Manchester;^ the 
loth, Wigan; and the nth, Preston, where we re- 
mained during the 12th. We arrived at Lancaster 
on the 13th, where we recruited ourselves during 
the 14th; 2 and on the 15th we reached Kendal, 
where we received certain information that we had 
left Marshal Wade behind us, and that we were no 
longer in any danger of having our retreat to Scot- 
land cut off. . . .' 

On the 1 6th, our army passed the night at Shap ; 
but our artillery remained at the distance of a 
league and a half from Kendal, some ammunition 
waggons having broken down, so that we were 
obliged to pass the whole night on the high-road, 
exposed to a dreadful storm of wind and rain. On 
the 17th, the Prince, with the army, arrived at 
Penrith ; but the artillery, with Lord George, and 
the regiment of the Macdonalds of Glengary, con- 
sisting of five hundred men, who remained with us 
to strengthen our ordinary escort, could only reach 
Shap, and that with great difficulty, at night-fall.^ 

So soon as it was understood that the Highlanders were 
retreating, the Duke of Cumberland followed in pursuit. 
Wade, also, was bearing down upon them. He reached 
Wakefield on December 10, but finding that Charles had 

1 Cf. Gentleman's Magazine, 1745, p. 708. 
s Cf. Maxwell of Kirkconnell, Narrative, 82. 
s Johnstone's dates here agree with Goodwillie's in The Lyon in 
Mourning, ii. 194. But cf. Ibid, ii. 123. 


slipped past him, sent his cavalry under General Oglethorpe 
to join Cumberland at Preston on December 13, and returned 
to Newcastle. On the 17th the Duke's force reached Kendal, 
and on the following day came into touch with Murray and 
the Prince's rear-guard as it was approaching Clifton. 

December 18. 

Johnstone, Memoirs^ 57. 

We [of the rear-guard] set out from Shap by break 
of day, on the i8th, to join the army, which waited 
for us at Penrith ; but we had scarcely begun our 
march when we saw a great number of the enemy's 
light horse continually hovering about us ; without 
venturing, however, to come within musket shot. 
The appearance of these light horse appeared the 
more extraordinary, as, hitherto, we had seen none 
in the whole course of our expedition in England. 
Having arrived, at mid-day, at the foot of an eminence 
[Thrimby Hill], which it was necessary to cross in 
our march to Penrith, about half-way between that 
town and Shap, the moment we began to ascend, 
we instantly discovered cavalry, marching two and 
two abreast on the top of the hill, who disappeared 
soon after, as if to form themselves in order of battle, 
behind the eminence which concealed their numbers 
from us, with the intention of disputing the passage. 
We heard at the same time a prodigious number of 
trumpets and kettle-drums. Mr. Brown, colonel in 
the train of Lally's regiment, was at the head of the 
column, with two of the companies which the Duke 
of Perth had attached to the artillery, and of which 


mine was one. After them followed the guns and 
ammunition-waggons, and then the two other com- 
panies attached to the artillery. Lord George was 
in the rear of the column, with the regiment of 

We stopt a moment at the foot of the hill, every 
body believing it was the English army, from the great 
number of trumpets and kettle-drums. In this 
seemingly desperate conjuncture, we immediately 
adopted the opinion of Mr. Brown, and resolved to 
rush upon the enemy sword in hand, and open a 
passage to our army at Penrith, or perish in the 
attempt. Thus, without informing Lord George of 
our resolution, we darted forward with great swift- 
ness, running up the hill as fast as our legs could 
carry us. Lord George, who was in the rear, seeing 
our manoeuvre at the head of the column, and being 
unable to pass the waggons in the deep roads con- 
fined by hedges in which we then were, immediately 
ordered the Highlanders to proceed across the 
inclosure, and ascend the hill from another quarter. 
They ran so fast that they reached the summit of 
the hill almost as soon as those who were at the 
head of the column. We were agreeably surprised 
when we reached the top to find, instead of the 
English army, only three hundred light horse and 
chasseurs, who immediately fled in disorder. . . . 

We immediately resumed our march. . . . When 
we had advanced about two miles . . . the Duke of 
Cumberland, having followed us by forced marches, 


with two thousand cavalry, and as many foot soldiers 
mounted behind them, fell suddenly on the Mac- 
donalds, who were in the rear of the column, with 
all the fury and impetuosity imaginable. Fortunately, 
the road running between thorn hedges and ditches, 
the cavalry could not act in such a manner as to 
surround us, nor present a larger front to us than 
the breadth of the road. The Highlanders received 
their charge with the most undaunted firmness. 
They repelled the assailants with their swords, and 
did not quit their ground till the artillery and 
waggons were a hundred paces from them, and con- 
tinuing their rout. Then the Highlanders wheeled 
to the right, and ran with full speed till they joined 
the waggons, when they stopt again for the cavalry, 
and stood their charge as firm as a wall. The cavalry 
were repulsed in the same manner as before by their 
swords. We marched [to Clifton] in this manner, 
about a mile, the cavalry continually renewing the 
charge, and the Highlanders always repulsing them, 
repeating the same manoeuvre, and behaving like 

Jacobite Memoirs, 65.1 

When I came to Clifton, I sent off the cannon 
and other carriages to Penrith, being two miles 
farther ; and as I believed these light horse that had 
met me would probably be near Lord Lonsdale's 
house at Lowther ... I went a short way with the 

^ From Lord George Murray's Journal. 


Glengary men to that place, through several \ 
closures, it being not above a mile. Lord P 
sligoe's horse had joined me. . . . We got sigi 
of sever als hard by Lord Lonsdale's house [Lowthi 
Hall], but could come up with few: at a turn c 
one of the parks, one like a militia officer, clothec 
in green, and a footman of the Duke of Cumben 
land's, were taken. We understood by them, that 
the Duke of Cumberland, with a body of four 
thousand horse, as they said, were about a mile 
behind. I sent Colonel Roy Stewart with the 
prisoners to Penrith, and to know his Royal High- 
ness's orders, and that I would stop at Clifton, which 
was a good post, till I heard from him. When I 
came back to Clifton, the Duke of Perth was there ; 
and, besides Colonel Roy Stewart's men, being about 
two hundred, that I left there, Cluny, with his men, 
and Ardsheil, with the Appin men, were [come from 
Penrith] with them. The Duke of Perth . . . then 
saw, upon an open muir [Clifton Moor], not above 
cannon-shot from us, the enemy appear and draw 
up in two lines, in different divisions and squadrons. 
His Grace said he would immediately ride back 
[to Penrith], and see to get out the rest of our 
army. . . . 

After an hour they [the enemy] dismounted, as 
near as we could guess, about five hundred of 
their dragoons, which came forward to the foot of 
the muir they were upon, and to a ditch, which was 
the last of three small enclosures from the places 


where we were posted at the village. My men were 
so disposed, that the Glengary men were upon the 
enclosures on the right of the highway, and Appin's 
men, with Cluny's, in the enclosures upon the left ; 
Colonel Roy Stewart's men I placed on the side of 
the lane, or highway, close to the village. I was 
about a thousand men in all. Pitsligoe's horse and 
. . . hussars, upon seeing the enemy, went off to 
Penrith. . . . 

Colonel Roy Stewart returned to me from Pen- 
rith. He told me his Royal Highness resolved to 
march for Carlisle immediately . . . and desired me 
to retreat to Penrith. I shewed Colonel Stewart my 
situation, with that of the enemy. ... I told him, 
I was confident I could dislodge them from where 
they were by a brisk attack, as they had not, by all 
that I could judge, dismounted above five hundred. 
They were, by this time, shooting popping shots 
among us. . . . Their great body was on horseback, 
and at some distance ; and Cluny and he owned, that 
what I proposed was the only prudent and sure way ; 
so we agreed not to mention his message from the 
Prince. ... I now went over again to where the Glen- 
gary men were placed, and ordered them to advance, 
as they should observe me do on the other side, and 
to keep up their fire as much as they could, till they 
came to the bottom ditch ; and that, if we beat the 
enemy from their hedges and ditches, they had a 
fair sight of them, and could give them a flank fire, 
within pistol-shot; but I gave them particular in- 


junctions not to fire cross the lane, nor to follow the 
enemy up the muir. I left Colonel Car with them. 
. . . After having spoke with all the officers of the 
Glengary regiment, I went to the right of the lane. 
The dismounted dragoons had not only lined the 
bottom enclosures, but several of them had come 
up to two hedges that lay south and north; the 
others, where we were, and the dragoons at the 
bottom, lay east and west. The Appin battalion 
were next the lane upon that side, and Cluny's 
farther to their left. 

The Lyon in Mournings ii. 88. 

In this posture we ^ continued for some minutes, 
prepared to receave the enemy, and by this time it 
was quite night upon us ; and the Generall [Murray] 
finding it proper that we should break our then 
situation by penetrating through our hedge, and 
advancing therefrom to another that was situate in 
a hollow halfway betwixt us and the enemy, we being 
both on eminences, and this hollow interjected, 
through the hedge we made our way with the help 
of our durks, the prictes being very uneasy, I assure 
you, to our loose taiFd lads. But before we broke 
through, his lordship, suspecting that we might be 
met with in our way to the other hedge, said to our 
colonel : * Cluny, if such will happen, I *ll attack on 
the right of your regiment, and doe you the same on 
the left of it, and we '11 advance soe, if you approve 

^ Captain John Macpherson is the writer. 


of it.' To which Cluny readily answered, he was 
very well satisfied to attack when his lordship pleased. 
The disposition thus made, when with great rapidity 
we were raakeing our way towards the other hedge, 
the advanced parties of the enemy, being dismounted 
dragoons, met us full in the teeth, who fired upon 
us ; which they scarcely did, when they were answered 
with the little we had without ever as much as stop- 
ing to doe it, but goeing on in our rapid way ; by 
which it soe happened they soon turned their backs 
to us. The General, how soon we had given our 
little fire, ordered us to draw our broad-swords, 
which was readily done, and then we indeed fell to 
pell-mell with them. But the poor swords suffered 
much, as there were noe lesse than 14 of .them 
broke on the dragoons' skull caps (which they all 
had) before it seems the better way of doing their 
business was found out. ... There was also a 
detachment of them sent from their main body in 
order to have flanked us on the right ; but it haveing 
been their luck to pass by the stone dyke which the 
Glengarrie regiment lined, they got such a smart 
fire from that brave corps, that such as outlived it 
were fain to make the best 6f their way back to their 
army ; by which means we got none of their trouble, 
and to which our safety was in a very great measure 
oweing. After we had chaced the swiftest of those 
with whom we had to doe in amongst the heart of 
their friends, we retired to our own first hedge, 
where we charged our pieces, meaning to maintain 


that post till daylight, when we expected the whole 
army would have been up with us for disputing the 
main point. But soon we receaved orders by ane 
aid de camp from the army to return to Penrith to 
join them there, which was accordingly done.^ 

December 19-26. 

Johnstone, Memoirs^ 70. 

Our army did not withdraw from Clifton-hall till 
some hours after the night had set in ; but our 
artillery was sent off in the beginning of the action, 
with orders to continue to advance to Carlisle, 
without stopping at Penrith. . . . 

As we very much dreaded the junction of Marshal 
Wade with these four thousand men, whom the Duke 
of Cumberland had brought with him to Clifton-hall 
by forced marches, to harass us in our retreat, as 
well as the arrival of the rest of his army, which he 
had left behind him, we marched all night, and 
arrived at Carlisle about seven o'clock in the morn- 
ing of the 19th of December. 

Jacobite Memoirs, 73.2 

When we came to Carlisle, where we halted next 

1 Other accounts of the skirmish are in Lockhart Papers^ ii. 
496 ; Marchant, History, 221 ; Scots Magasine, 1745, P* 577 1 
Henderson, History, i88 ; Ray, Compleat History, 201 ; Thomas 
Savage's account, in Ferguson, The Retreat of the Highlanders^ 
219 ; Cluny's narrative, in Trans. Gaelic Soc. of Inverness, xxi. 
409; Cumberland's despatches, dated December 19, 20, 1745, 
in State Papers, Domestic ; Gentleman's Magazine, 1745, P* ^25 ; 
Hist. MSS. Comm. Rept. xiii. Pt. vi. 170 ; Maxwell of Kirk- 
conneli. Narrative, 85. 

2 From Lord George Murray's Journal. 


day [December 19], I was clear for evacuating it, 
but it seems another resolution was taken, and I 
was ordered to speak with some of the officers that 
were appointed to stay. The Duke of Perth was 
very unwilling to leave any of his men ; as, indeed, 
it was no wonder. In the Prince's presence he 
asked me, why so many of the Atholl people were 
not desired to stay. I told him, if his Royal High- 
ness would order me, I would stay with the Atholl 
brigade, though I knew my fate ; for so soon as they 
could bring cannon from Whitehaven, I was sure it 
was not tenable. ... I do not know who advised 
leaving a garrison at Carlisle ; I had been so much 
fatigued for some days before, that I was little at 
the Prince's quarters that day, but I found he was 
determined in the thing. It was very late next day 
[December 20] before we marched . . . and when 
we came to the water Esk ... no concert had been 
taken what rout we were next to follow. His Royal 
Highness , . . desired to know my opinion, which . . . 
was, that I should march with six battalions that night 
to Ecclefechan ; next day for Moffat, and then halt 
a day ; and after making a feint towards the Edin- 
burgh road, turn off to Douglas, then to Hamilton 
and Glasgow ; that his Royal Highness would go 
with the clans and most of the horse that night to 
Annan, next day to Dumfries, where they would rest 
a day, then to Drumlanrig, Lead Hills, Douglas, 
and Hamilton, so they would be at Glasgow the day 
after us. This was immediately agreed to. , I 


passed the water. We were a hundred men abreast, 
and it was a very fine show ; the water was big, and 
took most of the men breast-high. When I was 
near cross the river, I believe there were two 
thousand men in the water at once ; there was 
nothing seen but their heads and shoulders ; but 
there was no danger, for we had caused try the 
water, and the ford was good, and Highlanders will 
pass a water where horses will not, which I have 
often seen. ... The pipes began to play so soon 
as we passed, and the men all danced reels, which 
in a moment dried them, for they held the tails of 
their short coats in their hands in passing the river, 
so when their thighs were dry, all was right. It was 
near night. Those who went to Ecclefechan had a 
very bad march. . . . We halted a day at Moffat. 
It was Sunday, and having episcopal ministers 
along with us, we had sermon in different parts of 
the town, where our men all attended. Our people 
were very regular that way, and I remember at Derby 
the day we halted, many of our officers and people 
took the sacrament. We marched next to Douglas, 
then to Hamilton, and arrived at Glasgow, 25th 
December. His Royal Highness came there next 
day,^ with the other column of the army, by the 
route above mentioned.^ 

1 Cf. Blaikie, Itinerary, 34. 

> Further details of the march from Carlisle to Glasgow are in 
Johnstone, Memoirs^ 74 ; Maxwell of Kirkconnell, Narrative, 89 ; 
Spalding Club Miscellany, i. 311 ; The Lyon in Mourning, ii. 123, 



Maxwell of Kirkconnell, Narrative^ 89. 

Here [at Glasgow] the Prince resolved to give 
some days' rest to his army, which really stood in 
need of it, after such a long march performed in the 
severest season ; though the fatigue had been some- 
times excessive, few complaints were ever heard. 
The Prince's example contributed not a little to the 
alacrity and cheerfulness the common men expressed 
on all occasions. After a few days the Prince 
reviewed his army on College Green, and had the 
satisfaction to find he had lost very few men during 
this expedition. It was the first general review he 
had made since he left the Highlands. Hitherto 
he had carefully concealed his weakness ; but now 
thinking himself sure of doubling his army in a few 
days, he was not unwilling to let the world see with 
what a handful of men he had penetrated so far into 
England, and retired almost without any loss. It 
was indeed a very extraordinary expedition, whether 
we consider the boldness of the undertaking, or the 
conduct in the execution. 

Meanwhile, the Duke of Cumberland had followed in pursuit 
as far as Carlisle, in which the Prince had left a small garrison 
under Francis Townley and John Hamilton. After holding 
out for some days, they surrendered on December 30. The 
fall of the city concluded the campaign of 1745, and the Duke 
returned to London. 



November 1745— January 1746. 

Scots Magazine^ 1745, p. 588. 

Upon the news of the march of the rebels into 
England, and some pretended successes gained by 
them, the Erasers, headed by Lord Lovat's son, 
formed a sort of blockade of Fort Augustus ; whnst 
Lord Lewis Gordon, in Banff and Aberdeenshire, 
was raising men ^ and levying money, by force and 
threats of the most severe military execution. The 
money imposed on the town and shire of Aberdeen 
(5 1. Sterl. or an able-bodied man, with sufficient 
highland cloaths, plaid and arms, for every 100 1. 
Scots of valued rent) is computed at near 13,000 1. 
Sterling.^ On the 3d of December, the Earl of 
Loudon, with 600 of the well-affected clans, 
marched, in a very severe frost, from Inverness, 
thro' Stratherrick, part of Lord Lovat's estate, on 

1 Among them, Moir of Stoneywood, Gordon of Avochy, and 
Farquharson of Monaltrie. 

2 Cf, Bisset's diary in Sf aiding Clvb Miscellany, i. 359. 



the South-side of Loch-ness, to the relief of Fort 
Augustus. He met with no opposition, supplied the 
place with what was wanting, and returned to Inver- 
ness on the 8th; after letting the inhabitants of 
Stratherfick know what they were to expect if they 
joined the rebels. 

This detachment, after one day's rest, was ordered 
to march to relieve Banff and Aberdeenshire. For 
this end, two companies of Mackenzies, who had been 
posted near Brahan, were called into Inverness on 
Monday the 9th. On the loth, the Lord Loudon, 
with 800 men, marched out to Lord Lovat's house 
of Castle-Dounie, to obtain the best security he 
could for the peaceable behaviour of the Frasers. 
At the same time, the Laird of Macleod was de- 
tached with 500 men (400 whereof were of his own 
kindred) towards Elgin, in their way to Banff and 
Aberdeenshire, to prevent the rebels recruiting 
there; and they were to be foUowed by Lord 
Loudon, and as many men as could be spared from 
Inverness. Lord Loudon prevailed with Lord 
Lovat, upon Wednesday the nth, to come into 
Inverness along with him, and to live there under 
his eye until he should bring in all the arms which 
the clan was possessed of; which he promised to do 
against Saturday night following, and highly con- 
demned the behaviour of his son. Whilst Lord 
Loudon waited for the delivery of these arms, 200 
men, under Capt. Monro of Culcaim, were detached 
by his Lordship to follow Macleod to Elgin and 



Aberdeen. Lord Lovat, after delaying to fulfil his 
promise from time to time, at last found means to get 
out of the house where he was lodged, at a back 
passage, and made his escape. 

In the mean time, Macleod marched forwards to 
Elgin ; and from thence, hearing that 200 rebels had 
taken possession of the boats of Spey at Fochabris, 
and pretended to dispute the passage with him, he 
advanced on Sunday the 15 th to the banks of that 
river; which the rebels on his approach quitted, 
leaving him a quiet passage. From thence he 
advanced on the i6th and 17th to Cullen and 
Banff, whilst Capt. Monro with his 200 men, on the 
17th and 1 8th, advanced by Keith to Strathbogie; 
and the rebels, who were in possession of those 
places, retired towards Aberdeen. Mr. Grant of 
Grant joined Capt. Monro with 500 of his clan, and 
marched with him to Strathbogie.^ Upon the 19th 
it was resolved by Macleod and Capt. Monro to 
march the next morning, the first from Banff to 
Old-Meldrum, twelve miles off Aberdeen, and the 
last from Strathbogie to Inverary [Inverurie], which 
is at the like distance. 

The Lyon in Mourning, ii. 344. 

Upon Friday the 20th of December 1745, the 
Laird of MacLeod marched from Old Meldrum to 
Inverurie with 500 men, [and] was joined nixt day 

1 Correspondence relating to Ludovick Grant's actions during 
this expedition is in Fraser, Chiefs of Grant, ii. 197. 


by [Captain Monro of] Culkern with 200 Minroos, 
who were quarterd upon the farmers neerest to 
that village. 

They continowed there in great security untill 
Munday [December 23], about four in the afternoon, 
that there centrie in the south end of the town was 
surprized with the white flag turning the firpark of 
Kethall in forward march upon the village, upon 
which he fir'd his pice to give the alarm, whereupon, 
as the townsmen say, they turned out in great 
conffusion. (This firpark was within half a mile of 
the village.) The reason of this security of theirs 
might proceed from their freinds at Aberdeen 
making them belive they had nothing to fear from 
Lord Lewis [Gordon], as he was preparing to march 
south. But therein were they deceived. 

For upon Saturday [December 21] came two 
companies of L[ord] J[ohn] D[rummond]'s men from 
Minrose,^ with Elsick's men from the Mearns, so 
that he might have numbered about 900 men, part 
of which were left to keep guard at Aberdeen ; and 
upon Munday about ten did he march by the bridge 
of Don, with Stonnywood's regiment, Minaltrie's, 
Elsick's men, and a few Mr. Crichton had raised, 
with the two companies of Drumonds. Abichie 
marched his men the Kintore road, and by that 

1 Lord John Drummond had arrived from France on November 
22. He brought about eight hundred men, including his Royal 
Scots regiment, and piquets from the six Irish regiments in the 
French service, commanded by Brigadier Stapleton. 


means had Don to cross in sight of the enimie, as 
Lord Lewis had Urie. About 60 of the Macleods 
kept firing upon them crossing Urie, wherby two 
men were wounded. The Macleods were drawn up 
upon the east side of the town, against whom was 
sent Colonel Culbert and Stonnywood. Minaltrie 
and Blelack entered the town ; Abichie went up the 
west side to scour the yards, from which they fired 
and galled Lord Lewis men in their coming up from 
Urie to form agenst the enemie. The action lasted 
but a few minutes after the men were formed, and 
the loss inconsiderable on both sides, night coming 
on apace, they could not be supposed they could 
see to levell their pices. Upon the Macleods side 
was taken Gordon of Ardoch and 60 private men ; 
on both sides 14 killed and 20 wounded. ^ 

January 3-14, 1746. 

Johnstone, AfemoirSt 82. 

Glasgow is the second city in Scotland, ^ from the 
number of its inhabitants and the extent of its com- 
merce. [The Prince's] army was allowed to remain 
there, to recover from its fatigues, till the [3rd] of 
January, when we quitted it in two columns ; one of 
which [Lord George Murray's] took the road to 
Cumbernauld, where it passed the night, whilst the 

1 Other accounts of the fight are in Spalding Club Miscellany, 
ii. 364 {cf. Ibid, ii. 431) ; Eraser, Chiefs of Grants ii. 204. 

> Provost Cochrane's account of Charles's reception in and 
treatment of Glasgow is in Cochrane Correspondence , 6a. 


Other went to Kilsyth. By this movement the Prince, 
according to every appearance, seemed to entertain 
the intention of proceeding to Edinburgh, especially 
as Lord Elcho, with the cavalry, had advanced as 
far as the town of Falkirk. . . . But the [Prince's] 
column, which had passed the night at Kilsyth, 
quitted the Edinburgh road next morning; and 
falling back upon its left, the two columns met in 
the evening at the village of Bannockbum, about 
half a league from Stirling.^ 

The object of the Prince in approaching Stirling 
was to accelerate his junction with Lord John Drum- 
mond, whom he had ordered to repair to Alloa with 
the . . . artillery and stores he had brought from 
France. The town of Stirling, protected by the castle^ 
in which there was a strong garrison, commanded by 
General Blakeney, the governor, having refused to 
surrender, the Prince, on the 4th of January, ordered 
a part of his army to occupy the villages of St. 
Denis and St. Ninians, which are within cannon- 
shot of the town, on the south. By this position it 
was blockaded and invested on every side ; the stone 
bridge, to the north of the town, having been broken 
down when General Cope was there with his army. 

On our reaching Bannockburn, Lord George 
Murray . . . repaired immediately to Alloa, where 
Lord John Drummond had already arrived, in order 
to take measures for the speedy advance to Stirling 

1 Cf. Jacobite Memoirs, 77 ; Maxwell of Kirkconnell, Narrative^ 
94, for details of the march. 


of the troops and artillery brought by Lord John 
from France ; and after giving the necessary direc- 
tions for the conveyance of the guns, he returned 
next day to Bannockburn. He then put himself 
at the head of eleven hundred men, and stationed 
himself with them as a fixed post at Falkirk. . . . 
Lord Elcho, with the cavalry, occupied the town of 
Linlithgow. . . . The rest of our army was quartered 
in the villages of St. Dennis and St. Ninians, and at 
Bannockburn, two miles from Stirling, where the 
Prince had his headquarters. 

Lord John Drummond immediately repaired to 
Bannockburn with his regiment of Royal Scots, and 
five piquets of the Irish brigade ; as also with Lord 
Lewis Gordon, and six hundred vassals of his 
brother, the Duke of Gordon ; Mr. Fraser, the eldest 
son of Lord Lovat, and six hundred of his father's 
vassals ; the Earl of Cromarty, his eldest son Lord 
Macleod, and his vassals, the Mackenzies. The 
Prince was then joined by many other Highlanders 
of the clans of Mackintosh and Farquharson : so 
that by this reinforcement our army was suddenly 
increased to eight thousand men, the double of 
what it was when we were in England. . . . 

On the 6th of January, we opened the trenches 
before the town of Stirling, under the direction of 
Mr. Grant ; but the mere threat of laying siege to 
the town induced the magistrates to repair to 
Bannockburn and propose a capitulation ; and the 
Prince having granted them the conditions which 


they required, we took possession of Stirling next 
day. The castle was not included in the surrender. 
General Blakeney answered very politely to the 
summons of the Prince, ^ That His Royal Highness 
must assuredly have a very bad opinion of him were 
he capable of surrendering the castle in such a 
cowardly manner.' ... 

M. Mirabelle de Gordon, a French engineer, and 
chevalier of the order of St. Louis, was sent into 
Scotland with Lord John Drummond, and arrived 
at Stirling on the 6th. ... It was supposed that a 
French engineer, of a certain age, and decorated 
with an order, must necessarily be a person of 
experience, talents, and capacity; but it was un- 
fortunately discovered, when too late, that his know- 
ledge as an engineer was extremely limited, and that 
he was totally destitute of judgment, discernment, 
and common sense. His figure being as whimsical 
as his mind, the Highlanders, instead of M. Mira- 
belle, called him always Mr. Admirable. 

Mr. Grant had already communicated to the 
Prince a plan of attack of the castle, which was to 
open the trenches and establish batteries in the 
burying-ground, on that side of the town which is 
opposite to the castle gate. . . . The inhabitants of 
Stirling having remonstrated with the Prince against 
this plan, as . . . the fire from the castle would, they 
said, reduce their town to ashes, he consulted M. 
Mirabelle . . . and as it is always the distinctive 
mark of ignorance to find nothing difiScult, not even 


things that are impossible, M. Mirabelle, without 
hesitation, immediately undertook to open the 
trenches on a hill to the north of the castle, where 
there were not fifteen inches depth of earth above 
the solid rock, and it became necessary to supply 
the want of earth with bags of wool, and sacks filled 
with earth brought from a distance. Thus the 
trenches were so bad, that we lost a great many 
men, sometimes twenty-five in one day. The six 
pieces of artillery sent from France, two of which 
were eighteen, two twelve, and two six pounders, 
arrived at Stirling on the 14th. 

January 14-17. 

General Hawley, who had been appointed to the command 
in Scotland, reached Edinburgh on January 6. On the 13th, 
his advance guard, under General Huske, set out from Edin- 
burgh. The main body followed on the 15th, and Hawley, 
with Cobham's dragoons, brought up the rear on the i6th. 
Leaving a force under the Duke of Perth to continue the siege 
of Stirling Castle, the Prince awaited Hawley's approach at 

Jacobite Memoirs ^ 79.1 

For three days . . . our army drew up in line of 
battle, to the east of Bannockburn, the third day, 
which was the 17th. As all the men we expected 
soon were come up (excepting those who were to be 
left at Stirling, being about twelve hundred), it was 
proposed to march to the enemy. We had been told 
they designed to have marched towards us that day, 

1 From Lord George Murray's Journal. 


but they were still in their camp, on the west side of 
Falkirk, as they had been for two days before. The 
officers being called into his Royal Highnesses 
presence, I observed how difficult it was to bring 
our men together from so many different canton- 
ments . . . whereas the enemy . . . could march 
by break of day, and so be in the heart of our 
quarters before we could make head against them, 
there being but four miles from a great part of our 
cantonments and their camp. ... I said, that by 
holding above the Torwood, we would gain the hill 
of Falkirk as soon as them, as it was a thing they 
did not expect. . . . This was approved of by every 
body, and his Royal Highness was much pleased 
with the design. I then asked if I should march off 
at the head of the two lines in the manner they were 
then drawn up, which the Prince agreed to, and it 
was done accordingly, for there was not a moment 
to be lost, it being then [January 17] betwixt twelve 
and one [mid-day]. After I had marched about half 
a mile, Mr. O'Sullivan came up to me, and told me he 
had been talking with the Prince, and that it was not 
thought advisable to pass a water [Carron] in sight 
of an enemy, and therefore it was best delaying it 
till night, and then we could do it unperceived. . . . 
1 did not halt, and he went back to his Royal High- 
ness, who . . . came up soon after, with Brigadier 
Stapleton, Mr. O'Sullivan, and some others. ... I 
told him, so far from disputing our passing, that we 
were now within half a mile of the water, which then 


was very small, and that the enemy were full two 
miles off, and could not see us till we were very near 
it . . . and that probably they were then all at 
dinner, so that we must get up to the high ground 
before them. His Royal Highness and the Brigadier 
were entirely satisfied. We had not stopped all the 
time, and Lord John Drummond had been sent to 
make a feint with the horse below the Torwood. 

Culloden Papers, 270.1 

About 10 o'clock M^ Hawley went out to a little 
eminence on the left of the Camp [at Falkirk] to 
reconnoitre the Grounds between our Camp and y® 
Torwood ; where I heard some of the Officers say, 
they saw them [the Highlanders] moving on this Side 
of the Torwood Southwards. This proved true; 
though I saw nothing, neither did M' Hawley. 
However, about eleven o'clock we got the alarm, 
and in a very short space were all under Arms, and 
remained so a quarter of an hour. Then we found 
out it was a false Alarm, and we all tum'd in again, 
and went to look out for Dinner, which was not easy 
to be found ; and after it was found we got no time 
to eat it ; for a little before two the last Alarm came, 
when the Enemy was within a Mile and a half of us. 
I never was used to these things ; but I was surpriz'd 
to see in how little time y* regular troops were 
form'd (I think in less than half an hour) on y* left 

* The writer, William Corse, was serving in the Glasgow regi- 


of y® Camp, in two Lines, with the Dragoons on y* 
flanks; all fronting the South, and just along the 
side of the high road leading to Stirling ; the Road 
in their front, and Falkirk on their left. We all 
thought that there we were to wait for the Enemy, 
who was now plainly in view, coming along the hills 
from the South-west. M' Hawley, it seems, had 
another notion ; for no sooner was the Army form'd, 
than he marched them straight up a steep Hill w*^ 
lyes to the South-west of Falkirk, in two Columns ; 
in order, I suppose, to gain a large Moor which they 
say is on the top of that Hill, and w*'^ may be so for 
me, and I believe for His Excellency too; for neither 
of us saw it, at least before the action. All the 
Dragoons were sent on before, and form'd upon the 
top of the Hill. 

Lockhart Papers, ii. 500. 

[The Prince], under the cover of the Tor wood, 
passed the water of Carron at Dunipace, moveing 
on very quickly to gain the hill above and lying on 
the south west of Falkirk. Our two columns keept 
at ane equall distance of about two hundred paces 
till we came in sight of the enemy about a mile and 
a half distant from us. At the same time that we 
began our march. Lord John Drummond with most 
of the horse had gone to reconoitre the enemy, and 
made a movement as if he intended to march the 
high way through the Tor wood closs up to them, 
and this might occasion what some accounts tell us, 


of General Hawlays perceiving a body of the Higlf 
landers in the Tor wood, took this appearance to bi^:^ 
our whole army, and finding they did not advance, 
allowed his troops to dyne in their camp. 

But to return to our main body ; whilst we were ^i 
making up towards the hill above Falkirk (as was 
said), the enemy at last perceived us, and immediatly 
their three regiments of dragoons were orderd up to 
gain the ground upon us and hinder our forming till 
their foot should form, and their cannon be brought 
up the hill to support them. The P. seeing the 
intention of the enemy, ordered 1 500 or 2000 of his 
Highlanders, led on by Lord George Murray and 
Lochiel, to advance and drive the dragoons from the 
eminence they had possessd, till the main body of 
our men should come up. . . . 

Our first line was composed of the Highland, and 
the second mostly of the Low country regiments. 
Keppoch had by consent the right of all, as Clan- 
ronald had at the battle of Preston pans. Next to 
Keppochs men, towards the left, stood Cianronalds, 
next in order the McDonalds of Glengarie, the 
Frazers, the Camerons, and the Stewarts of Appin. 
This right wing was commanded by Lord George 
Murray as Leutenant Generall. The left, consist- 
ing mostly of Low country men, was commanded by 
the Duke of Perth. The P[rince], with his own 
guards and Fits James's horse from France, posted 
himself immediatly behind the center of the foot, at 
about twenty yards distance, that he might have a 


necessary and commanding view of the whole, having 
Lord John Drummond with the Irish pickets on his 

Home, History^ 169. 

The infantry of the King's army was also formed 
in two lines, with a body of reserve. The first line 
consisted of a battalion of the Royal, of the regi- 
ments of Wolfe, Cholmondley, Pulteney, Price, and 
Ligonier. The Royal had the right of the first line, 
and Wolfe's regiment the left. The second line con- 
sisted of Burrel's regiment, Blakeney'5, Monroe's, 
Battereau's, and Fleming's; Burrel's regiment had 
the right of this line, and Blakeney's the left. 
Howard's regiment formed a body of reserve. The 
dragoons that were advanced before the infantry, and 
a good way to their left, having large intervals between 
their squadrons, extended so far that they covered a 
great part of the first line of the rebel army, for the 
left of the dragoons was opposite to Keppoch's regi- 
ment, and their right to the centre of Lord Lovat's, 
which was the third regiment from the left of the 
rebels. Behind the greater part of this body of 
cavalry there was no infantry but the Glasgow regi- 
ment, which, being newly levied, was not allowed 
to have a place either in the first or second line, but 
stood by itself near some cottages behind the left of 
the dragoons. Most of the regiments of foot in the 
King's army were standing on the declivity of the hill. 
More than one regiment both of the first and second . 
line stood higher up, and on ground somewhat more 


plain and level. The Highlanders towards the left 
of their first line saw the foot of the King's army ; 
the Highlanders on the right of the first line saw no 
foot at all ; for besides the great inequality of the 
ground, the storm of wind and rain continued, and 
the darkness increased so much, that nobody could 
see very far. To conclude this account of the field 
of battle, there was a ravine or gully which separated 
the right of the King's army from the left of the 
rebels. This ravine began on the declivity of the 
hill, directly opposite to the centre of Lord Lovat's 
regiment, and went down due north, still deeper and 
wider to the plain. . . . 

The infantry of the King's army not being com- 
pletely formed (for several companies of Fleming's 
regiment were only coming up to take their place in 
-the centre of the second line) when General Hawley 
sent an order to Colonel Ligonier, who commanded 
the cavalry, to attack the rebels : Colonel Ligonier 
with the three regiments of dragoons advanced against 
the Highlanders, who at that very instant began to 
move towards the dragoons. Lord George Murray 
was marching at the head of the Macdonalds of 
Keppoch, with his drawn sword in his hand, and his 
target on his arm. He let the dragoons come within 
ten or twelve paces of him, and then gave orders to 
fire. The Macdonalds of Keppoch began the fire, 
which ran down the line from them to Lord Lovat's 
regiment. This heavy fire repulsed the dragoons. 
Hamilton's and Ligonier's regiments wheeled about. 


and fled directly back : Cobham*s regiment wheeled 
to the right, and went off between the two armies, 
receiving a good deal of fire as they passed the left 
of the rebels. When the dragoons were gone. Lord 
George Murray ordered the Macdonalds of Kep- 
poch to keep their ranks, and stand firm. The 
same order was sent to the other two Macdonald 
regiments, but a great part of the men in these two 
regiments, with all the regiments to their left (whose 
fire had repulsed the dragoons), immediately pursued. 
When they came near the foot of the King's army, 
some regiments of the first line gave them a fire : 
the rebels returned the fire, and throwing down their 
musquets, drew their swords and attacked the regi- 
ments in the left of the King's army, both in front 
and flank : all the regiments in the first line of the 
King's army gave way, as did most of the regiments 
of the second line. It seemed a total rout . . . but 
Burrel's regiment stood, and joined by part of two 
regiments of the first line (Prince's and Ligonier's) 
moved to their left, till they came directly opposite 
to the Camerons and Stuarts, and began to fire upon 
them across the ravine. The . . . rebels, after 
losing a good many men, fell back a little, still keep- 
ing the high ground on their side of the ravine. . . . 
Most of the men in those regiments which stood 
behind the Clans of the first line that attacked the 
foot of the King's army, seeing the wonderful success 
of that attack . . . [had] followed the chase; but 
many of the men belonging to the regiments that were 


thinned in this manner, hearing the repeated fires 
given by the King's troops across the ravine, thought 
it was most likely that the Highland army would be 
defeated ; and that the best thing they could do was 
to save themselves by leaving the field when they 
might : accordingly they did so, and went oflf to the 
westward. At this moment the field of battle pre- 
sented a spectacle seldom seen in war. . . . Part of 
the King's army, much the greater part, was flying to 
the eastward, and part of the rebel army was flying to 
the westward. Not one regiment of the second line 
of the rebels remained in its place ; for the Athol 
brigade, being left almost alone on the right, marched 
up to the first line, and joined Lord George Murray 
where he stood with the Macdonalds of Keppoch. 
Between this body of men on the right of the first line, 
and the Camerons and Stuarts on the left (who had 
retreated a little from the fire of the troops across 
the ravine), there was a considerable space altogether 
void and empty, those men excepted who had re- 
turned from the chase, and were straggling about in 
great disorder and confusion, with nothing in their 
hands but their swords. By and by Lord George 
Murray with his men joined them, and Charles with 
the Irish piquets, and some other troops of the reserve, 
came up from the rear. The presence of Charles 
encouraged the Highlanders : he commended their 
valour ; made them take up the musquets which lay 
thick upon the ground ; and ordering them to follow 
him, led them to the brow of the hill. At the approach 


of SO considerable a body of men, Cobham's regi- 
ment of dragoons, which, having always kept together, 
was coming up the hill again, turned back, and went 
down to the place where the regiments of foot were 
standing who had behaved so well, and retreating 
with them in good order, joined the rest of the army 
who had rallied on the ground in the front of their 
camp, where the Argyleshire Highlanders had been 
left by General Hawley, when he marched with his 
troops to meet the enemy. The storm of wind and 
rain continued as violent as ever : night was coming 
on, for the battle began a little before four o'clock. 
Before it grew dark, General Hawley gave orders to 
set fire to the tents, and marching his army through 
the town of Falkirk, retreated to Linlithgow, leaving 
behind him seven pieces of cannon, with a great 
quantity of provision, ammunition, and baggage.^ 

Lockhart Papers^ ii. 503. 

The enemy, finding they could neither possess 
nor save their camp . . . were just got to the east 
end of the toun of Falkirk when Lord John Drum- 

1 Other accounts of the battle are in Ray, Compleat History, 
248; Marchant, History, 309; Jacobite Memoirs, 82; Lockhart 
Papers, ii. 469, 500 ; Scots Magazine, 1746, pp. 35, 93 ; Henderson, 
History, 262 ; Johnstone, Memoirs, 90 ; AUardyce, Historical 
Papers, i. 294 ; Gentleman^ s Magazine, 1746, pp. 27, 61 ; Oliphant, 
Jacobite Lairds of Gask, 168 ; Historical MSS, Comm, Rept. x. 
Pt. I. 440 ; Ibid. Rept. xiv. Pt. ix. 139 ; Murray of Broughton, 
Memorials, 515 ; Ewald, Life, 201 ; Maxwell of Kirkconnell, 
Narrative, 99 ; Lord Macleod's account, in Fraser, Earls of 
CromartHe, ii. 391. 



mond entered it on that side, Lord George Murray 
in the middle, and Lochiel in the west end of the 
toun. We took most of their cannon, ammuni- 
tion, and baggage, which they had not themselves 
destroyed. We reckond about seven hundred of 
the enemy taken prisoners, and about six hundred 
men and between thirty or forty officers killed. We 
had not above forty men killed on our side, among 
whom were two or three captains and some subaltern 

His R. H.*s first care early next morning was to 
cause bury the dead, as well those of the enemy as 
our own people. Had not night come on and been 
very stormy, and our men engadged in pillaging the 
enemy s camp, our army might have got betwixt 
them and Lithgow and would have entirely distroyed 
them ; but they being in want of every thing, they 
thought fitt to retire next day to Edinburgh, near 
twenty miles from the field of battle. . . . 

An unlucky accident happend amongst us [at 
Falkirk] next day ; Colonell Enaeas McDonald, 
second son to Glengarie, and who commanded the 
Glengarie men, a brave and goodnaturd youth, was 
unhappily shot by the accident of a Highlandmans 
cleaning his peice. This poor gentileman, satisfyed 
of the unhappy fellows innocence, beggd with his 
dying breath that he might not suffer ; but nothing 
could restrain the grief and fury of his people, and 
good luck it was that he was a McDonald (tho not 
of his own tribe, but of Keppochs), and after all they 


began to desert daily upon this accident, which had 
a bad effect upon others also, and lessend our 
numbers considerably. 

January 18-30. 

Jacobite Memoirs ^ 95- * 

The Prince returned [January 19] to Bannock- 
burn, and the siege of Stirling Castle was to be 
pushed forward with all expedition. The Duke of 
Perth commanded in the town, and was obliged to 
stay there with about twelve hundred men, at the 
time of the battle, to hinder the castle from sallying, 
and to carry on the works. 

It was soon found we had no good engineers. 
He who was the principal, a French gentleman 
[M. Mirabelle de Gordon], I believe, understood 
it ; but he was so volatile, that he could not be de- 
pended upon. All our army, except the clans, were 
cantoned in and about Stirling. ... I continued 
at Falkirk with the clans. The Frasers, and some 
others who had come up before the battle, were 
lodged near me, on Carron Water, towards the 
Torwood. Many of the men went home from all 
the different corps, and this evil was daily increas- 
ing; so that when we understood [on January 28] 
that the Duke of Cumberland was ready to march 
from Edinburgh, and that two or three new regi- 
ments had joined their army, the principal officers 
at Falkirk, taking their situation into their serious 

1 From Lord George Murray's Journal. 


consideration, were persuaded that we were in no 
condition to fight them, and that there was not the 
least hopes of taking Stirling Castle . . . but by 
starving, which would be the work of months. In 
less than two hours after they first talked of this 
matter, the officers at Falkirk drew up their opinion 
and signed it, and sent it to his Royal Highness. 

Home, History^ 352. 
The Chiefs to Prince Charles. Falkirk^ ox^th January 1746. 

We think it our duty, in this critical juncture, to 
lay our opinions in the most respectful manner before 
your Royal Highness. 

We are certain that a vast number of the soldiers 
of your Royal Highness's army are gone home since 
the battle of Falkirk . , . and as we are afraid 
Stirling Castle cannot be taken so soon as was 
expected, if the enemy should march before it fall 
into your Royal Highnesses hands, we can foresee 
nothing but utter destruction to the few that will 
remain, considering the inequality of our numbers 
to that of the enemy. For these reasons, we are 
humbly of opinion, that there is no way to extricate 
your Royal Highness, and those who remain with 
you, out of the most imminent danger, but by 
retiring immediately to the Highlands, where we 
can be usefully employed the remainder of the 
winter, by taking and mastering the forts of the 
North . . . and in spring, we doubt not but an 
army of 10,000 effective Highlanders can be brought 


together, and follow your Royal Highness wherever 
you think proper. . . . 

The hard marches which your army has under- 
gone, the winter season, and now the inclemency 
of the weather, cannot fail of making this measure 
approved of by your Royal Highnesses allies 
abroad, as well as your faithful adherents at home. 
The greatest difficulty that occurs to us is the 
saving of the artillery, particularly the heavy 
cannon; but better some of these were thrown 
into the River Forth as that your Royal Highness, 
besides the danger of your own person, should risk 
the flower of your array, which we apprehend must 
inevitably be the case if this retreat be not agreed 
to, and gone about without the loss of one moment. 
. . . Nobody is privy to this address to your Ro\ al 
Highness except your subscribers ; and we beg leave 
to assure your Royal Highness, that it is with great 
concern and reluctance we find ourselves obliged to 
declare our sentiments in so dangerous a situation, 
which nothing could have prevailed with us to have 
done, but the unhappy going off of so many men.^ 

Signed by 

Lord George Murray. Ardshiel. 

locheil. lochgary. 

Keppoch. Scothouse. 

Clanronald. Simon Fraser, 

Master of Lovat. 
1 Cf, Ibid. 356. 


State Papers, Domestic.^ 
Prince Charles to the Chiefs, Bannockburn , Jan. y y^th. 

Gentlemen, — I have received y" of last night and 
am extremely surprised at the contents of it, w** I 
little expected from you at this time. Is it possible 
that a Victory and a Defeat should produce the 
same effects, and that the Conquerors should flie 
from an engagement, whilst the conquered are seek- 
ing it ? Shou'd we make the retreat you propose, 
how much more will that raise the spirits of our 
Ennerays and sink those of our own People ? Can 
we imagin that where we go the Ennemy will not 
follow, and at last oblige us to a Battel which we 
now decline ? Can we hope to defend ourselves at 
Perth, or keep our Men together there better than 
we do here ? We must therefore continue our 
flight to the Mountains, and soon find our selves 
in a worse condition than we were in at Glen- 
finnen. What Opinion will the French and 
Spaniards then have of us, or what encouragement 
will it be to the former to make the descent for 
which they have been so long preparing, or the 
latter send us any more succours? . . . But what 
will become of our Lowland friends? Shall we 
persuade them to retire with us to the Mountains ? 
Or shall we abandon them to the fury of our 
Merciless Ennemies? What an Encouragement 
will this be to them or others to rise in our favour, 
should we, as you seem to hope, ever think our- 

i^Quoted in Blaikie, Itinerary, 76. 


selves in a condition to pay them a second visit. 
. . . For my own Part, I must say that it is with 
the greatest reluctance that I can bring my self to 
consent to such a step, but having told you my 
thoughts upon it, I am too sensible of what you 
have already ventured and done for me, not to 
yield to y^ unanimous resolution if you persist in 
it 1 

January 31— February 20. 

On February i the army withdrew to Perth and thence 
continued the retreat in three divisions : Murray, Drummond 
and the Lowland regiments by the coast road through Aber- 
deen ; the Prince and the Clans by the Highland road to 
Inverness ; Ogiivy and the Farquharsons through Coupar- 
Angus. 2 On February 16 Charles arrived at Moy Hall, where 
Lady Macintosh entertained him. That night he narrowly 
escaped capture by a force sent from Inverness by Lord 

The Lyon in Mournings i. 149. 

When the Prince was about going to rest, or 
rather when it became dark. Lady Macintosh 
ordered one Frazer, a blacksmith (who happened 
to be there by chance, having a desire to see the 
Prince), and four servants, to get loaded muskets, 
and to go away privately beyond all the guards and 
sentries without allowing them to know anything 
about them or their design, and to walk on the 

1 Sir Thomas Sheridan conveyed this letter to the Chiefs acd 
received their reply. They stood by their resolution, and received 
a second letter from Charles, printed in Ibid. 78, 

2 Cf, Blaikie, Itinerary^ 38. 


fields all night, and to keep a good look-out. . . . 
The blacksmith and his faithful four accordingly 
went pretty far beyond all the sentries, and walked 
up and down upon a muir, at the distance, Captain 
MacLeod said he believed, of two miles from 
Macintosh's house. At last they spied betwixt 
them and the sky a great body of men moving 
towards them, and not at a great distance. The 
blacksmith fired his musket and killed one of 
Loudon's men, some say, the piper. . . . The 
four servants followed the blacksmith's example, 
and it is thought they too did some execution. 
Upon this the blacksmith huzzaed and cried aloud, 
* Advance, Advance, my lads. Advance! (naming 
some particular regiments), I think we have the 
dogs now.' This so struck Lord Loudon's men 
with horrour, that instantly they wheePd about, 
after firing some shots, and in great confusion ran 
back with speed to Inverness.^ 

Johnstone, Mevwirs^ 113. 

Next morning the Prince assembled all his column, 
who had passed the night in the villages and hamlets 
some miles from Moy, and advanced to Inverness, 
with the intention of attacking Lord Loudon, and 
taking revenge for the attempt of the preceding 
night; but, as he approached the town, his Lord- 
ship retreated [February 1 8] across the arm of the 

1 Cf, Johnstone, Memoirs, 109 ; The Lyon in Mournings i. 219 ; 


sea, to the north of Inverness, after collecting and 
taking along with him to the other side all the 
boats, great and small, and other vessels that could 
aid us in pursuing him. 

The castle of Inverness was fortified in the 
modern manner, being a regular square with four 
bastions, and it was advantageously situated on the 
top of an eminence, which commanded the town. 
. . . The governor of the castle [Grant of Rothie- 
murchus], who was in a situation to stand a siege, 
at first refused to comply with the summons of the 
Prince; but two hours after the trenches were 
opened, he surrendered himself [February 20] with 
his garrison, which consisted of two companies of 
Lord Loudon's regiment. The Prince immediately 
gave orders to raze the fortifications, and blow up 
the bastions. M. L'Epine, a serjeant in the French 
artillery, who was charged with the operation, lost 
his life on the occasion. This unfortunate indi- 
vidual, believing the match extinguished, approached 
to examine it, when the mine sprung, which blew 
him into the air, with the stones of the bastion, to 
an immense height. 

February 21— April 8. 

To reduce the Government's forts in the North, to break up 
Loudon's retreating force, and to hold the Spey districts, con- 
stituted the main endeavours of the Prince's army from the fall 
of Inverness until the Duke of Cumberland's advance from 
Aberdeen on April 8. Fort Augustus was captured on March 5, 
but the siege of Fort William was abandoned on April 3. 


Loudon's force was dispersed by the Duke of Perth in Suther- 
landshire on March 20. On March 21 Cumberland's Argyle- 
shire militia, who had occupied Keith, were there surrounded 
and captured. Lord George Murray and Cluny Macpherson 
marched into Perthshire, laid siege to Blair Castle, but aban- 
doned the attempt on April 2 and returned to Inverness.^ 
While these various enterprises tended to weaken and scatter 
the Prince's force, its defective commissariat under Hay of 
Restalrig made the task of keeping it together one of increasing 
difficulty. The Highlanders stole away to their glens and 
returned, in many cases, too late to fight the last battle at 

April 8-15. 

Home, History, 215, 

On the 8th of April, the Duke of Cumberland left 
Aberdeen with the last division of his army, and 
advancing to the northward was joined by General 
Bland and General Mordaunt, with the troops under 
their command; so that the whole army met at 
Cullen, which is twelve miles from the river Spey. . . . 

On the 1 2th of April, the army left Cullen, and 
marched on till they came to the Muir of Arroudel, 
which is about five or six miles from the river Spey. 
The army halted there, and formed in three divisions, 
each of them about half a mile distant from each 
other. The greatest division of the three was on 
the left, and marched along the high road : the other 
two divisions marched nearer the sea and the ships, 
which were on their right. In this order the army 
advanced till they came to the river [Spey], which 

1 6/, Blaikie, Itinerary, 41, 


the greatest division entered at a ford near Gormach, 
the next division to that at the Ford by Gordon 
Castle, and the next division on the right at a ford 
near the church of Belly. In this manner the 
Duke's army crossed the river Spey without opposi- 
'tion, though it was generally expected that the pas- 
sage of the river would be disputed. But . . . when 
the King's troops were approaching the river, the 
banks of which are very high on the north-west side, 
the Duke of Perth drew off his men and retreated 
to Elgin. 

The Duke of Cumberland's army encamped on 
the north side of the Spey, opposite to Fochabers. 

On Sunday the 13th, the army marched from 
Speyside to the muir of Alves (which is a march of 
fourteen miles), and encamped near the parish church 
of Alves, four miles from Elgin. 

On Monday the 14th, the army moved on to 
Nairn, which is seventeen miles from Alves. The 
vanguard, which consisted of some companies of 
grenadiers, with part of the Argyleshire men, and 
Kingston's light horse, marched on briskly. When 
they came to the bridge of Nairn, they found that 
the rear-guard of the rebels had not left the town, 
and a party of their men (some of the Irish piquets), 
standing at one end of the bridge, fired upon the 
grenadiers at the other ; some shots were exchanged 
without much loss on either side. 


JacoHte Memoirs, ii8.^ 

On Saturday morning, the 12th of April, intelli- 
gence was brought [to the Prince at Inverness] that 
the Duke of Cumberland was marching with his 
whole army. They had been, for a fortnight before 
that, lying all the way from Aberdeen to Strath- 
bogie, at which last place near half of their army 
was. Expresses were sent every where, to bring up 
our men. Those who had been at the siege of Fort 
William were on their march ; but Lord Cromarty 
was at a great distance, with a great body of Mac- 
Kenzies; and also Glengyle and M*Kinnon, with 
their men. It seems they were left there, after the 
Duke of Perth had dispersed Lord Loudon's corps, 
and was returned himself to Inverness. The other 
men that had been with him were cantoned north 
from Inverness. His Grace was then gone to Spey- 
side, where Lord John Drummond also was. They 
had the Duke of Perth's regiment, those of the 
Gordons, the Farquharsons, Lord Ogilvie, John Roy 
Stewart, the Atholmen besides, and some others. 
Had the rest of our army been come up, we were 
all to have marched there. Clanranald's and the 
Macintoshes were sent to strengthen them; and 
they had orders to retire as the Duke of Cumberland 
advanced. On Sunday morning, the 13th, it was 
confirmed that the enemy were coming on, and 
passed the Spey. Many of our people, as it was 
seed time, had slipt home ; and as they had no pay 

1 From Lord George Murray's Journal. 


for a month past, it was not an easy matter to keep 
them together. On Monday, the 14th, Lochiel came 
up ; and that day, his Royal Highness went to Cul- 
loden, and all the other men as they came up marched 
there ; and that night, the Duke of Perth came back 
with all the body he had at Speyside. The Duke of 
Cumberland . . . encamped this night at Nairn. 
Many were for retiring to stronger ground till all our 
army was gathered ; but most of the baggage being 
at Inverness, this was not agreed to. Early on 
Tuesday morning [April 15], we all drew up in a 
line of battle, in an open muir near Culloden. I 
did not like the ground : it was certainly not proper 
for Highlanders. ... It was then proposed a night 
attack might be attempted. His Royal Highness 
and most others were for venturing it, amongst whom 
I was; for I thought we had a better chance by 
doing it than by fighting in so plain a field ; besides, 
those who had the charge of providing for the army 
were so unaccountably negligent, that there was 
nothing to give the men next day, and they had got 
very little that day. . . . Keppoch came up that 
evening ; but before the time the army was to march, 
a vast number of the men went off on all hands to 
get and make ready provisions ; and it was not pos- 
sible to stop them. Then, indeed, almost every body 
gave it up as a thing not to be ventured. 

The Lyon in Mourning, i. 258. 

But the Prince continued keen for the attack, 


and positive to attempt it, and said there was not a 
moment to be lost ; for as soon as the men should 
see the march begun, not one of them would flinch. 
It was near eight at night when they moved. . . . 
Lord George Murray was in the van. Lord John 
Drummond in the centre, and the Duke of Perth 
towards the rear, where also the Prince was, having 
Fitz-James's horse and others with him. . . . There 
were about two officers and thirty men of the Mac- 
intoshes in the front as guides, and some of the 
same were in the centre and rear, and in other parts, 
for hindering any of the men from straggling. Before 
the van had gone a mile, which was as slow as could 
be to give time to the line to follow, there was ex- 
press after express sent to stop them, for that the 
rear was far behind . . . and of these messages I ^ 
am assured there came near an hundred before the 
front got near Culraick, which retarded them to such 
a degree that the night was far spent : for from the 
place the army began to march to Culraick was but 
six miles, and they had still four long miles to Nairn. 
It was now about one o'clock in the morning, when 
Lord John Drummond came up to the van and told 
... if they did not stop or go slower, he was afraid 
the rear would not get up. In a little time the Duke 
of Perth came also to the front, and assured that if 
there was not a halt the rear could not join. There 
was a stop accordingly. Lochiel had been mostly 
in the van all night, and his men were next the 

1 Possibly Lord George Murray, or one of his friends. 


Aihol men, who were in the front. . . . Mr. O'Sullivan 
now having come up to the front . . . said he had 
just then come from the Prince, who was very de- 
sirous the attack should be made; but as Lord 
George Murray had the van, and could judge the 
time, he left it to him whether to do it or not. . • . 

Lord George Murray desired the rest of the gentle- 
men to give their opinions, for they were all deeply 
concerned in the consequence. It was agreed upon 
all hands that it must be sun-rise before the army 
could reach Nairn and form, so as to make an 
attempt upon the enemy's camp ; for one part was 
to have passed the water a mile above the town, to 
have fallen upon them towards the sea-side. The 
volunteers were all very keen to march. Some of 
them said that the red-coats would be all drunk, as 
they surely had solemnised the Duke of Cumber- 
land's birth-day. . . . 

But the officers were of different sentiments. . . . 
Lochiel and his brother said they had been as much 
for the night attack as anybody could be, and it 
was not their fault that it had not been done ; but 
blamed those in the rear that had marched so slow, 
and retarded the rest of the army. Lord George 
Murray was of the same way of thinking. . . . 

By this time Mr. John Hay [of Restalrig] came 
up and told the line was joined. He was told the 
resolution was taken to return. He began to argue 
upon the point, but nobody minded him. ... It was 
about two o'clock in the morning (the halt being 


not above a quarter of an hour) when they went 
back in two columns, the rear facing about, and the 
van taking another way. . . . Day-light began to 
appear about an hour after. They got to Culloden 
pretty early, so that the men had three or four 
hours' rest.^ 

April i6. 

Lockhart Papers^ ii. 509. 

Upon our return [from Nairn] to the muir of 
Culoden, tho the P[rince] had given orders for 
bringing meat and drink for us to the field, which 
our men not expecting, through their great want of 
sleep, meat, and drink, many slipt off to take some 
refreshment in Inverness, Culoden, and the nigh- 
bourhood, and others to three or four miles distance, 
where they had freinds and acquaintances ; and the 
said refreshment so lulled them asleep, that design- 
ing only to take ane hours rest or two they were 
afterwards surprised and killed in their beds. By 
this means we wanted in the action at least one third 
of our best men, and of those who did engage, many 
had hurried back from Inverness, etc., upon the 
alarm of the enemys aproach, both gentlemen and 
others, as I did myself, having only taken one drink 
of ale to supply all my need. Besides this deficiency 
in our severall regiments, which amounted to above 
a third (as I said), we likewise wanted Clunies brave 
clan of M^Pharsons, also Cromarty s, which was 

1 Cf, The Lyon in Mournings i. 85, 360 ; ii. 275 ; Johnstone, 
Memoirs t 129 ; Dennistoun, Memoirs of Sir H. Strange, i. 57. 


surprised [on April 15, at Dunrobin] in Sutherland, 
Barisdales, M<^Donalds, and Glengyle, with his 
McGregors, etc., out upon command in the shire 
of Ross. All these unhappy circumstances for us 
considered, it is no wonder the event of this day 
proved so fatal to us as it did. Add to this, what 
we of the Clan McDonalds thought ominous, we 
had not this day the right hand in battle . . . which 
our clan maintains we had enjoyed in all our 
battles and struggles in behalf of our Royall family 
since the battle of Bannockburn, in which glorious 
day, Robert the Bruce bestowed this honour upon 
Angus McDonald, Lord of the Isles, as a reward 
for . . . protecting him for above nine months in 
his country of Rachlin, Isla, and Vist, as the same 
name has done since to his royall successor. 

JacoHte Memoirs ^ 123.1 

Betwixt ten and eleven o'clock, we drew up in the 
muir, a little back from where we had been the day 
before. I told Mr O'Sullivan, who was placing the 
men in the order of battle, that I was convinced it 
was wrong ground ; but he said that the niuir was so 
interspersed with moss and deep ground, that the 
enemy's horse and cannon could be of little advan- 
tage to them. We had still time to cross the water 
[of Nairn] and take up the ground which Brigadier 
Stapleton and Colonel Ker had viewed the day 
before; for our right was within three humired paces 

1 From Lord George Murray's Journal. 



banks were very sit&p^ which 
)T Highlanders, and our horse 
Lve crossed at a small ford^ a 
1 1 reckon the belief that the 
larched straight to Inverness 
It we did not quit that plain 
5 within three or four miles, 
red men, and was marching as 
ind many others were hourly 
am persuaded that night, or 
i¥Ould have been near two 
nd had we passed that water, 

would not have fought that 
3uke of Cumberland had en- 

upon the muir, which very 
I would have had a fair chance 

TAe Lyon in Mournings i. 86.1 

form by the Prince's orders, 
d with Lochiel and Mr. SuUi- 
iplaining they were long in 
after they were formed, we 
and the Argileshire men on 
y drawing to a distance from 
nclining to our right, on which 
ron officers were afraid to be 
Lochiel send to Lord George 
left with the Duke of Perth, to 
'. Lord George Murray (whom 

hn Cameron, chaplain at Fort William. 


I heard formerly say that the park would be of great 
service to prevent our being flanked) on this took a 
narrower view oif it, and sent three gentlemen, viz., 
Colonel Sullivan, John Roy Stewart, and Ker of 
Grydan [Graden] to view it down to the Water of 
Nairn. At their return they said it was impossible 
for any horse to come by that way. The men still 
believed they might be flanked, and some proposed 
lining the park wall. The Duke of Perth, who 
came from the left, was of their opinion. But Lord 
George Murray, thinking otherwise, ordered Lord 
Ogilvie-s regiment to cover the flank, told there was 
no danger, and to Lord Ogilvie said, he hoped and 
doubted not but he would acquit himself as usual. 

Memoirs of Sir Robert Strange, i. 61. 

It being determined to give battle to the Duke, no 
time was now lost in forming the lines, and in making 
every proper disposition. The right of the army 
commanded by Lord George Murray, was composed 
of his own regiment of Athol, the Camerons, Stuarts 
of Appin, one battalion of the Frasers, and the Mac 
intoshes. The left wing, commanded by the Duke 
of Perth, consisted of the MacDonalds of Glengarry, 
Keppoch, and Clanronald, two companies of Mac- 
Leans, two of MacLeods, and the Farquharsons.^ 

1 Finlayson's plan of the battle shows some Chisholms and 
Maclacblans in the first line, in addition to those mentioned by 
Strange [cf. Blaikie, Itinerary, 97). Home gives the Maclachlans 
and Macleans as a ' united regiment ' {History, 227). He omits 
the Macleods. 


The second line, commanded by Lord John Drum- 
mond and Major-general Stapleton, consisted of the 
Irish pickets, the regiments of Lord Ogilvy,^ Lord 
Lewis Gordon, Duke of Perth, and Lord John 
Drummond. On the right wing, behind the second 
line, was a troop of Fitz- James's horse, and on the 
left, part of the horse-guards, Perthshire squadron, 
and hussars. The regiment of Kilmarnock's foot- 
guards, and Colonel John Roy Stuart,^ with such of 
the men as had no guns, formed a sort of reserve. 
The Prince, attended by his aides-de-camp, and 
Lord Elcho's guards, placed himself towards the 
centre, behind the first line. We had six pieces of 
cannon; two placed on the right, two on the left, 
and two in the centre of the front line. 

Home, History ^ 2.21^, 

The Duke of Cumberland [who had set out from 
Nairn at break of day], seeing that the rebels had 
taken their ground to give him battle, ordered a 
halt ; and breaking his columns into two lines of foot, 
flanked with horse, and having a strong body of 
reserve, advanced towards the enemy. 

The first line of the duke's army consisted of six 
regiments of foot. The Royal had the right. On 

1 Both Finlayson and Home, in his plan, place Ogilvyin the 

3 Finlayson places Kilmarnock in the second line and Roy 
Stewart in the first. Home also places Roy Stewart in the first 
line, but confirms StrangQ as to Kilmarnock's position (with ' the 
remains ' of Strathallan's and Pitsligo's horse) in the reserve. 


their left stood Cholmondely^s, Price's, the Scots 
Fusileers, Monro's, and Burrers. The second line 
consisted of the same number of regiments. 
Howard's regiment had the right ; on their left 
stood Fleming's, Ligonier's, Blyth's, Sempill's, and 
Wolfe's. The reserve consisted of Blakeney's, 
Battereau's, and Pulteney's. The Duke of King- 
ston's regiment of light horse, and one squadron of 
Lord Cobham's dragoons, were placed on the right 
of the first line; Lord Mark Ker's regiment of 
dragoons, and two squadrons of Lord Cobham's, on 
the left. When the King's army came within five or 
six hundred paces of the rebel army, part of the 
ground in their front was so soft and boggy, that 
the horses which drew the cannon sunk, and were 
obliged to be taken off : the soldiers, slinging their 
firelocks, dragged the cannon across the bog. As 
soon as the cannon were brought to firmer ground, 
two field pieces, short^ six pounders, were placed in 
the intervals between the battalions ; and Colonel 
Belford of the artillery, who directed the cannon of 
the Duke's army, began to fire upon the rebels, who, 
for some time, had been firing upon the King's 
troops from several batteries; but the cannon of 
the rebels were very ill served, and did little harm. 
The Duke's artillery did great execution, making 
lanes through the Highland regiments. The Duke 
of Cumberland, observing the wall on the right flank 
of the Highland army, ordered Colonel Belford to 
continue the cannonade, with a view to make the 


Highlanders leave the ground where they stood, 
and come down to attack his army. During the 
cannonade, which began a little after one o'clock, 
and lasted till near two, the Duke made several 
changes in the disposition of his army. Wolfe's 
regiment, which stood on the left of the second line, 
and extended somewhat beyond the left of the first 
line, was moved from its place (where the men were 
standing in water up to their ankles) and brought to 
the left of the first line, where they wheeled to the 
right (and formed en potence^ as it is called), making 
a front to the north, so as to fire upon the flank of 
the rebels, if they should come down to attack the 
King's army. The Duke, at the same time, ordered 
two regiments to move up from the reserve, so that 
Pulteney's regiment stood on the right of the Royal, 
which had the right of the first line before, and 
Battereau's regiment stood on the right of Howard's 
regiment in the second line. His Royal Highness, 
after making these changes in the disposition of his 
army, placed himself between the first and second 
line, in the front of Howard's regiment. 

While these changes were making. Colonel Belford, 
observing the body of horse with Charles, ordered 
two pieces of cannon to be pointed at them ; several 
discharges were made ; and some balls broke ground 
among the horses' legs. Charles had his face be- 
spattered with dirt; and one of his servants, who 
stood behind the squadron with a led horse in his 
hand, was killed. Meanwhile the cannonade con- 


tinued, and the Highlanders in the first line, im- 
patient of suffering without doing any harm to 
their enemies, grew clamorous to be led on to the 
attack. A message was sent to Locheil, whose 
regiment stood next the Athol brigade, desiring that 
he would represent to Lord George Murray the 
necessity of attacking immediately. While Locheil 
was speaking with Lord George, the Macintosh 
regiment brake out from the centre of the first 
line; and advanced against the regiment opposite 
to them, which was the 21st. But the fire of the 
field-pieces, and the small arms of the 21st, made 
the Macintoshes incline to the right, from whence 
all the regiments to their right, with one regiment 
to their left, were coming down to the charge. 
These regiments, joining together, advanced under 
a heavy fire of cannon (loaded with grape shot) 
and musketry in their front, and a flank fire when 
they came near Wolfe's regiment. Notwithstanding 
which they still advanced, and attacking sword in 
hand, broke through Burrel's and Monro's in the 
first line, and pushed on to the second. In the 
second line, immediately behind Barrel's, stood 
Sempill's regiment, which during the attack had 
advanced fifty or sixty paces ; and their front rank 
kneeling and presenting, waited till Barrel's men 
got out of their way. For the soldiers of Burrel's 
and Monro's did not run directly back, but went 
off behind the battalions on their right. The High- 
landers, who had broke through the first line, were 


got close together, without any interval between 
one Clan and another; and the greater part of 
them came on directly against Sempill's regiment, 
which allowed them to come very near, and then 
gave them a terrible fire that brought a great many 
of them to the ground, and made most of those 
who did not fall turn back. A few, and but a 
few, still pressed on, desperate and furious, to 
break into Sempill's regiment, which not a man 
of them ever did, the foremost falling at the end 
of the soldiers' bayonets. 

Blyth's regiment, which was on the right of 
SempilPs, gave their fire at the same time, and 
repulsed those that were advancing against them. 
When the Highland regiments on the right of 
their first line made this attack, the regiments on 
the left, the Farquharsons, and the three Mac- 
donald regiments, did not advance at the same 
time, nor attack in the same manner. They came 
so near the King's army, as to draw upon them- 
selves some fire from the regiments that were 
opposite to them, which they returned by a general 
discharge, and the Macdonalds had drawn their 
swords to attack in the usual manner; but seeing 
those regiments, that had attacked sword in hand, 
repulsed and put to flight, they also went off. 
When the Highlanders in the first line gave way, 
the King's army did not pursue immediately. The 
regiments of foot, from right to left, were ordered 
to stand upon the ground where they had fought, 


and dress their ranks. The horse on the right of 
the King's army were the first that pursued, and 
they were very near the Macdonalds, when the 
Irish piquets came down from their place in the 
second line, and fired upon the dragoons, who 
halted, and the Macdonalds fell back to the second 
line. The two lines joined formed a considerable 
body of men; but their hearts were broken, and 
their condition was altogether hopeless and irre- 
trievable : in their front they saw the infantry which 
had defeated them, and reduced their two lines to 
one, preparing to advance against them. On their 
right flank, and somewhat behind them, they saw 
a body of the Duke's cavalry ready to fall upon 
them as soon as the infantry should advance. 

Such was the condition of the rebels, when the 
Duke of Cumberland, with his infantry, advanced 
towards them. At his approach they began to 
separate, and go off in small parties, four or five 
together. The rest made two large bodies; one 
of these, in which were most of the Western High- 
landers, directed their course towards Badenoch, 
and the hills of their own country. The other, and 
much the smaller body, in which were the Erasers, 
Lord John Drummond's regiment, and the Irish 
piquets, marched straight to Inverness. 

Ibid. 238. 

The Highlanders who attacked sword in hand 
were the Maclachlans and Macleans (making one 


regiment), the Macintoshes, the Erasers, the Stuarts, 
and the Camerons. 

Most of the Cliiefs who commanded these five 
regiments were killed, and almost every man in the 
front rank of each regiment. Maclachan, Colonel 
of the united regiment, was killed by a cannon ball, 
and the Lieutenant-Colonel, Maclean of Drimnin, 
who succeeded to the command, bringing off his 
shattered regiment, and missing two of his sons, 
for he had three in the field, turned back to look 
for them, and was killed by a random shot. 
Macgillivray of Drumnaglass, Colonel of the Mac- 
intosh regiment, was killed in the attack, with the 
Lieutenant-Colonel, the Major, and all the officers 
of his regiment, three excepted. Charles Eraser, 
younger of Inverallachie, who was Lieutenant- 
Colonel, and commanded the Eraser regiment, was 
killed. The Stuart regiment had a number, both 
officers and men, killed in the attack; but Stuart 
of Appin, their Chief, never having joined the 
standard of Charles, the regiment was commanded 
by Stuart of Ardshiel, who escaped from the field. 
Cameron of Locheil, advancing at the head of his 
regiment, was so near BurreUs, that he had fired 
his pistol, and was drawing his sword when he 
fell, wounded with grape-shot in both ankles. The 
two brothers, between whom he was advancing, 
raised him up, and carried him off in their arms. 
When the Macdonalds' regiment retreated, without 
having attempted to attack sword in hand, Mac- 


donald of Keppoch advanced with his drawn sword 
in one hand, and his pistol in the other; he had 
got but a little way from his regiment, when he 
was wounded by a musket shot, and fell. A friend 
who had followed, conjuring him not to throw his 
life away, said that the wound was not mortal, 
that he might easily join his regiment, and retreat 
with them. Keppoch desired him to take care 
of himself, and going on, received another shot, 
and fell to rise no more.^ 

April 16— July 18. 

Johnstone, Memoirs, 146. 

The right wing of our army retreated towards the 
river Nairn, and met in their way a body of English 
cavalry, which appeared as much embarrassed as 
the Highlanders ; but the English commander very 
wisely opened a way for them in the centre, and 
allowed them to pass at the distance of a pistol 
shot, without attempting to molest them or to take 
prisoners. . . . 

Our left, which fled towards Inverness, was less 

1 Other accounts of the battle are in Johnstone, Memoirs, 140 ; 
The Lyon in Mournings i. 67, 103 ; Lockhart Papers, ii. 520, 530 ; 
Henderson, Life of Cumberland, 252 ; Henderson, History, 322 ; 
Jacobite Memoirs, 123, 140 ; Hewins, Whitefoord Papers, 76 ; Ray, 
Compleat History, 337 ; Scots Magazine, 1746, pp. 185, 215, 523 ; 
Marchant, History, 383 ; Lochgarry's account, in Blaikie, Itinerary, 
120 ; AUardyce, Historical Papers, ii. 608 ; Gentleman's Magazine, 
1746, pp. 209, 241 ; Historical MSS. Comm. Rept. x. Pt. i. 442 ; 
Maxwell of Kirkconnell, Narrative, 148 ; Cumberland's despatch, 
in State Papers : Scotland : April 18, 1746. 


fortunate. Having been pursued by the English 
cavalry, the road from Culloden to that town was 
every where strewed with dead bodies. . . . 

As soon as the Prince saw his army begin to 
give way, he made his escape with a few horsemen 
of Fitzjames's piquet. Some hours after the battle, 
Lord Elcho found him in a cabin, beside the river 
Nairn, surrounded by Irish, and without a single 
Scotsman near him, in a state of complete dejec- 
tion. . . . Lord Elcho represented to him that this 
check was nothing, as was really the case; and 
exerted himself to the utmost to persuade him to 
think only of rallying his army . . . but he was 
insensible to all that his lordship could suggest, 
and utterly disregarded his advice. 

I arrived, on the i8th, at Ruthven, which happened 
by chance to become the rallying point of our army, 
without having been previously fixed on. There I 
found the Duke of Athol, Lord George Murray, 
the Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond, Lord 
Ogilvie, and many other chiefs of clans, with about 
four or five thousand Highlanders, all in the best 
possible dispositions for renewing hostilities and 
taking their revenge. ... 

We passed the 19th at Ruthven without any news 
from the Prince. All the Highlanders were cheerful 
and full of spirits, to a degree perhaps never before 
witnessed in an army so recently beaten, expecting, 
with impatience, every moment the arrival of the 
Prince ; but, on the 20th, Mr. Macleod, Lord 


George's aide-de-camp, who had been sent to him, 
returned with the following laconic answer-. 'Let 
every man seek his safety in the best way he 
can' — an inconsiderate answer, heartbreaking to 
the brave men who had sacrificed themselves for 
him.^ . . . 

We were masters of the passes between Ruthven 
and Inverness, which gave us sufficient time to 
assemble our adherents. The clan of Macpherson 
of Clunie, consisting of five hundred very brave men, 
besides many other Highlanders, who had not been 
able to reach Inverness before the battle, joined us 
at Ruthven; so that our numbers increased every 
moment, and I am thoroughly convinced that, in 
the course of eight days, we should have had a more 
powerful army than ever. . . . But the Prince was 
inexorable and immoveable in his resolution of 
abandoning his enterprise, and terminating in this 
inglorious manner an expedition, the rapid progress 
of which had fixed the attention of all Europe. . . . 

Our separation at Ruthven was truly affecting. 
We bade one another an eternal adieu. No 
one could tell whether the scaffold would not 
be his fate. The Highlanders gave vent to their 
grief in wild bowlings and lamentations; the tears 
flowed down their cheeks when they thought that 
their country was now at the discretion of the Duke 
of Cumberland, and on the point of being plundered ; 
whilst they and their children would be reduced to 

1 Cf. Blaikie, Itinerary, 45, note i. 


slavery, and plunged, without resource, into a state 
of remediless distress.^ 

The Duke of Cumberland, after his victory, advanced to 
Inverness and received the surrender of Brigadier Stapleton 
and his Irish piquets. The punishment of the Highlanders, 
already dispersing to their glens, was ruthlessly prosecuted. 

Hewins, Whitefoord Papers, 79.2 

We have [by now, July 1746] pretty well cleared 
our neighbourhood about this place. Privat Rebels, 
who come in and surrender their arms, receive cer- 
tificates, and return unmolested to their homes, till 
his Majesties further pleasure is known. Those who 
are found in arms are ordered to be immediately put 
to death, and the houses of those who abscond are 
plundered and burnt, their cattle drove, their ploughs 
and other tackle destroyed. 

We have troops all along the East coast, and in 
the shires of Aberdeen, Forfar, and Angus. B[riga- 
dier] Mordaunt in his march to Perth * would not 
neglect Badmoth and Athole, and his R* H. [the 
Duke of Cumberland] with the array here proposeing 
very soon to march to Fort Augustus will not fail to 
put some order in the West. We have been here 
since the 24*** of last month and have not been alto- 

1 An attempt to rally the Clans at Muirlaggan on May 8 also 
failed. Cf, The Lyon in Mourning, i. 88 ; Home, History, 384. 

2 From a letter of Lieutenant- Colonel Whitefoord. 

3 He arrived there on May 19, and ' burnt some rebels houses 
and nonjurants meeting-houses on the way.' — Scots Magazine, 
J746, p. 240. 


gether idle. The M'^Phersons have brought in all 
their arms to Lord Loudoun in Badenoch ; we have 
entirely swept Lochaber, in which at present there 
are but very few houses standing, and have a party 
of 800 men out, which is to clear the Glen Ely, 
Knodiart, Moidart, and Ariseg ; that performed, the 
Army will have little to do here, as the Northern 
shires of Southerland, Caithness, Ross, and Strath- 
navaies are quiet, and we have put it out of the power 
of the others to give them or us any disturbance. 
I fancy the Duke will set out in about a week for 

1 He left Fort Augustus for England on July 18.— Scots Maga- 
zine, 1746, p. 342. Whitefoord's letter gives the barest outline of 
fhe Duke's scourging of the Highlands. C/. Bishop Forbes's 
' barbarities after Culloden,' in Jacobite Memoirs, 231. 



April 16-25, 1746. 

The Lyon in Mournings i. 190.^ 

Our small, hungry, and fatigued army being put 
into confusion and overpowered by numbers, was 
forced to retreat. Then it was that Edward Bourk 
fell in with the Prince, having no right guide and 
very few along with him. . . . The Prince was 
pleased to say to Ned, * If you be a true friend, pray 
endeavour to lead us safe off.' Which honour Ned 
was not a little fond of, and promised to do his best. 
Then the Prince rode off from the way of the enemy 
to the Water of Nairn, where, after advising, he 
dismist all the men that were with him, being 
about sixty of Fitz-James's horse that had followed 
him. After which Edward Bourk said, * Sir, if you 
please, follow me. I '11 do my endeavour to make 
you safe.' The Prince accordingly followed him, 
and with Lord Elcho, Sir Thomas Sheridan, 
O'SuUivan, and Mr. Alexander MacLeod, aid-de- 

^ From Edward Burke's Journal. 


camp, marched to Tordarroch, where they got no 
access, and from Tordarroch through Aberarder, 
where likewise they got no access ; from Aberarder 
to Faroline, and from Faroline to Gortuleg, where 
they met with Lord Lovat, and drank three glasses 
of wine with him. 

About 2 o'clock next morning [April 17] with 
great hardships we arrived at the Castle of Glengary, 
called Invergary, where the guide (Ned Burk) 
spying a fishing-net set, pulled it to him, and found 
two salmonds, which the guide made ready in the 
best manner he could, and the meat was reckoned 
very savoury and acceptable. After taking some 
refreshment the Prince wanted to be quit of the 
cloathing he had on, and Ned gave him his own 
coat. At 3 o'clock afternoon, the Prince, O'Sullivan, 
another private gentleman,^ and the guide set out 
and came to the house of one Cameron of 

Ibid. i. 68. 

He arrived there [Glenpean] on the i8ih at two 
in the morning, and went to sleep, which he had not 
done for five days and nights. ... He remained 
there till 5 o'clock in the afternoon in hopes of 
obtaining some intelligence, but gaining hone, he 
set out from thence on foot, and travelled to the 
Glens of Morar, over almost inaccessible moun- 
tains. ' 

1 Allan Macdonald. — The Lyon^ 1. 321. 


Ibid. i. 333.1 

Upon Saturday's morning, being the rQth, he 
came to Oban in Kinlochmors, a corner of Clan- 
ranald's estate, and for their further security con- 
tented themselves that night for their lodgment with 
a small sheal house near a wood. 

Early upon the 20th his royal highness got up and 
went straight to Arisaig, to a town called Glenbiastill 
[Glenbeasdale],^ where the Prince got a sute of new 
Highland cloaths from Angus MacDonald of Boro- 
dale's spouse, the better to disguise him and to 
make him pass for one of the country. At Glen- 
biastill the few gentlemen (that happened to come 
home from that unlucky battle of Culloden) of 
Clanranald's men assembled about the Prince, in 
order to consult and lay their schemes for his 
present and future safety, being convinced that the 
enemy would probably soon be about them if not 
resisted. His royal highness stayed at Glenbiastill 
for four nights. 

On April 21, Donald Macleod of Gualtergill in Skye, whom 
^neas Macdonald had sent to guide the Prince to the islands, 
arrived at Borradale. 

The Lyon in Mournings i. 161.8 

When Donald came to Boradale, the first man he 
met with was the Prince in a wood, all alone. . . . 
The Prince, making towards Donald, asked, 

1 From Captain Alexander Macdonald's Joumal, 

2 Cf. The Lyon, iii. 375. 

8 From Donald Macleod's Journal. 


' Are you Donald MacLeod of Guatergill in Sky ? ' 
' Yes,' said Donald, * I am the same man, may it 
please your Majesty, at your service. What is your 
pleasure wi' me?' . . . * Why,' said the Prince, *the 
service I am to put you upon I know you can per- 
form very well. It is that you may go with letters 
from me to Sir Alexander MacDonald and the Laird 
of MacLeod. . . .' * What,' said Donald, * does not 
your excellency know that these men have played 
the rogue to you altogether, and will you trust them 
for a' that ? Na, you mauna do't.' . . . 

When Donald MacLeod had absolutely refused to 
go any message whatsomever to Sir Alexander Mac- 
Donald and the Laird of MacLeod, the Prince said 
to him, * I hear, Donald, you are a good pilot ; that 
you know all this coast well, and therefore I hope you 
can carry me safely through the islands, where I may 
look for more safety than I can do here.' Donald 
answered • , . that he most willingly undertook to 
do his best in the service he now proposed. For 
this purpose Donald procured a stout eight-oar'd 
boat, the property of John MacDonald, son of 
^.neas or Angus MacDonald of Borodale. . . . 
Donald took care to buy a pot for boyling pottage 
or the like when they should happen to come to 
land, and a poor firlot of meal was all the provision 
he could make out to take with them.^ 


^ Before sailing from the mainland on April 26, the Prince wrote 
a. letter of farewell to his. followers. It is printed in Browne, 
History of the Highlands, \\\. ^t-^. 


April 26— May 14. 

The Lyon in Mourning, i. 163.1 

April 26th. They go on board in the twilight of 
the evening in Lochnannua[gh], at Boradale, being 
the very spot of ground where the Prince landed 
at first upon the continent. . . . There were in the 
boat the Prince, Captain O'Sullivan, Captain O'Neil,^ 
Allan MacDonald, commonly called Captain Mac- 
Donald (of the family of Clanranald), and a clergy- 
man of the Church of Rome ; and Donald MacLeod, 
for pilot, managing the helm, and betwixt whose feet 
the Prince took his seat. The names of the boat- 
men are : Rhoderick MacDonald, Lauchlan Mac- 
Murrich, Rhoderick MacCaskgill, John MacDonald, 
Murdoch MacLeod (son of the pilot), Duncan Roy, 
Alexander MacDonald, and Edward Bourk or Burk, 
a common chairman in Edinburgh. . . . 

They had not rowed far from the shore till a most 
violent tempest arose. ... When the Prince saw 
the storm increasing still more and more, he wanted 
much to be at land again, and desired Donald to 
steer directly for the rock which runs for no less 
than three miles along one side of the loch. * For,' 
said the Prince, *I had rather face canons and 
muskets than be in such a- storm as this.' But 
Donald would not hear of this proposal. ... 

1 From Donald Macleod's Journal. 

.2 O'Neil joined the Prince 'at Knoidart,' having been left by 
him at Invergarry ' to direct' such as^ pass'd that way the road he 
took.' — The Lyon, i. 367. 


.After this all was hush and silence ; not one word 
more amongst them, expecting every moment to be 
overwhelmed with the violence of the waves, and to 
sink down to the bottom. To make the case still 
worse, they had neither pump nor compass nor 
lantern with them. ... * But,' to use Donald's words, 
* as God would have it, by peep of day we discovered 
ourselves to be on the coast of the Long Isle, and 
we made directly to the nearest land, which was 
Rushness [Rossinish] in the Island Benbecula. 
With great difficulty we got on shore, and saved the 
boat, bawling her up to dry land, in the morning of 
April 27th.' . . . 

When they landed at Rushness in Benbecula, 
they came to an uninhabited hut where they made 
a fire to dry their cloaths, for all of them were wet 
through and through in to the skin, and an old sail 
was spread upon the bare ground, which served for a 
bed to the Prince, who was very well pleased with 
it, and slept soundly. Here they kill'd a cow, and 
the pot which Donald had brought served them in 
good stead for boyling bits of the beef. In this poor 
hut they remained two days and two nights.^ 

April 29th. In the evening they set sail from 
Benbecula on board the same eight-oar'd boat for the 
island Scalpay, commonly called the Island Glass, 
where they landed safely about two hours before 
daylight next day, the Prince and O'Sullivan going 
under the name .of Sinclair, the latter passing for 

' 1 Hr^re they were visited by ClanrAnald. — The Lyon^ i. 323. 


the father, and the former for the son. ... In this 
island Donald MacLeod had an acquaintance, Donald 
Campbell, to whose house he brought the Prince 
and his small retinue before break of day, April 
30th. Being all cold and hungry, Donald MacLeod 
desired immediately to have a good fire, which was 
instantly got for them. Donald MacLeod was here 
only one night, but the Prince remained four nights, 
and was most kindly entertained by his hospitable 
landlord. . . . 

May I St. Donald MacLeod was dispatched by 
the Prince to Storn[o]way in the island of Lewis, in 
order to hire a vessel under a pretence of sailing to 
the Orkneys to take in meal for the Isle of Sky, as 
Donald used to deal in that way formerly. . . . 
Donald left the eight-oar'd boat at Scalpay, and got 
another boat from his friend, Mr. Campbell, in 
which he sailed for Stornway, where he remained 
some time without making out the design on which 
he was sent. But at last he succeeded, and then 
dispatched an express to the Prince in Scalpay 
... to inform him that he had got a vessel to 
his mind. 

May 4th. The Prince (leaving Allan MacDonald, 
the Popish clergyman, in Scalpay, who afterwards 
returned to South Uist) set out on foot for Storno- 
way, attended by O'SuUivan and O'Neil, taking a 
guide along to direct them the right road. The 
guide, in going to the Harris . . . took them eight 
miles out of the way. In coming from Harris 


to the Lewis they fell under night, and a very 
stormy and rainy night it was, which fatigued them 
very much, their journey, by the mistake of their 
guide, being no less than thirty-eight long Highland 

May 5th. When in sight of Stornway the Prince 
sent the guide to Donald MacLeod to inform him 
that he and the two captains were at such a place, 
desiring withal that he would forthwith send them 
a bottle of brandy and some bread and cheese. 
. . . Donald immediately obeyed the summons and 
came to the Prince, bringing along with him the 
demanded provisions. He found the Prince and 
his two attendants upon a muir all wet to the skin. 
. . . Donald told the Prince that he knew of a 
faithful and true friend to take care of him till things 
should be got ready for the intended voyage. This 
was the Lady Killdun at Arynish [Mrs. Mackenzie 
of Kildun House in Arnish], to whose house Donald 
conducted the Prince and his two attendants. Here 
the Prince was obliged to throw off his shirt, which 
one of the company did wring upon the hearth-stone, 
and did spread it upon a chair before the fire to 
have it dried. 

The same day. May 5 th, Donald was sent back 
to Stornway to get things in readinessr But when 
he came there, to his great surprize he found no less 
than two or three hundred men in arms ... for 
that they were well assured the Prince was already 
upon the Lewis, and not far from Stornway, with five 


hundred men. This they said exposed them to the 
hazard of losing both their cattle and their, lives. 
. . . Donald very gravely asked, How sorrow such 
a notion could ever enter into their heads? . . . 
They replied that Mr. John MacAulay,^ Presbyterian 
preacher in South Uist, had writ these accounts to 
his father in the Harris, and that the said father 
had transmitted the same to Mr. Colin MacKenzie, 
Presbyterian teacher in the Liewis. Donald saned 
these blades, the informers, very heartily. ... * Well 
then,' said Donald, 'since you know already that 
the Prince is upon your island, I acknowledge the 
truth of it; but then ... he has only but two 
companions with him, and when I am there I make 
the third. And yet let me tell you farther, gentle- 
men, if Seaforth himself were here, by G he 

durst not put a hand to the Prince's breast' . . . 

Donald desired they would give him a pilot, but 
they absolutely refused to give him one . . . such 
was the terror and dread the people were struck 
with. Donald then returned to the Prince, and gave 
him an honest account how matters stood, which 
made them all at a loss to know what course to take, 
all choices having but a bad aspect. . . . 

In this great difficulty the Prince declared, let the 
consequence be what it would, he could not think 
of stirring anywhere that night till he should sleep a 
little, SQ much was he fatigued with the late tedious 
journi6y. And the two captains were no less wearied, 

1 Lord Macaiilay's grandfather. ' . 


being quite undone.^ To make their case still worse, 
two of the boatmen had run away from Stornway, 
being frighted out of their wits at the rising of the 
men in arms. 

May 6th. About eight o'clock in the morning 
the Prince, O'Sullivan, O'Neil, Donald MacLeod, 
and the six boatmen (two whereof were Donald's 
own son and honest Ned Bourk), went on board 
Donald Campbell's boat, which they had got at 
Scalpa, and sailed for the Island Euirn [lubhard], 
twelve miles from Stornway, and landed safely. This 
Euirn is a desert island round which the people of 
the Lewis use to go a fishing. . . . 

Upon the desart island they found plenty of good 
dry fish. ... As they had plenty of brandy and 
sugar along with them, and found very good springs 
upon the island, they wanted much to have a little 
warm punch to chear their hearts in this cold remote 
place. They luckily found a earthen pitcher which 
. . . served their purpose very well for heating the 
punch. But the second night the pitcher by some 
accident or another was broke to pieces, so that they 
could have no more warm punch. ... 

Upon this uninhabited island they remained four 
days and four nights in a low, pityful hut, which the 
fishers had made up for themselves ; but it was so 
ill-roofed that they were obliged to spread the sail 
of the boat over the top of it. They found heath 
and turf enough to make a fire of; but had nothing 

1 Cf, The Lyon, i. 191, 369. 


but the bare ground to lie along upon when dis- 
posed to take a nap, without any covering upon 
them at all. ... 

May loth. They set sail from the uninhabited 
island, when the Prince told his retinue he was 
determined to return to Scalpay or the Island Glass, 
in order to pay his respects to honest Donald Camp- 
bell. . . . When they arrived at Scalpay, Donald 
Campbell was not at home, having gone a skulking 
for fear of being laid up, an account or rumour 
having passed from hand to hand that the Prince 
had been in his house. . . . The Prince was sorry 
at missing his hospitable friend, and set sail directly 
from Scalpa the same day. May loth. ... In 
coursing along they happened to spy a ship at 
Finisbery,! in the Harris, within two musket-shot, 
before they observed her. They were on the wind- 
ward of the ship at the mouth of tlie said bay, and 
made all the haste they could along the coast to 
Benbicula. In this course they spied another ship 
in Lochmaddy, in North Uist, which occasioned 
them to make all the sail and rowing they could to 
get free of the mouth of the loch and out of sight 
of the ship. 

May iith. Being still upon the sea they fell short 
of bread ; but having some meal on board, and the 
men turning very hungry and thirsty, they began to 
make Dramach (in Erse Stappack) with salt water, 
and to lick it up. . . . Donald said the Prince ate 

1 Cf, The Lyon, i. 193. 


of it very heartily, and much more than he could 
do for his life. Never any meat or drink came 
wrong to him, for he could take a share of every 
thing, be it good, bad, or indifferent, and was always 
chearful and contented in every condition. 

May nth. They arrived at Lochwiskaway [Loch 
Uskavagh], in Benbicula, and had scarce got ashore 
[on an island in the Loch], when the wind proved 
quite contrary to what it had been, blowing a gale, 
which served to make the ships they had spied steer 
an opposite course. 

The Lyon in Mournings i. 193.* 

[On this island] we came to a poor grasskeeper's 
bothy or hut, which had so laigh a door, that we 
digged below the door and put heather below the 
Prince's knees, he being tall, to let him go the easier 
into the poor hut. We stayed there about three 
nights, and provided ourselves very well in victuals 
by fowling and fishing, and drest them in the best 
shapes we could, and thought them very savoury 

Thence we went [May 14] to the mountain of 
Coradale, in South Uist. 

May 15— June 5. 

Ibid, i. 174.3 

[The Prince] dispatched Donal MacLeod [from 
Coradale} in CampbelPs boat to the continent with 

J From Edward Burke's Journal. 
'^ From Donald Maclebd's Journal. 


of rei: 

and hi 

our n< 
who c 
his M 
are fc^i 
to de:i 
and ()i 
the sh" 
dier] > 
negl(j( ! 
Duke ( 
very s< 
put s<- 
since t 

1 An . 

2 Fr(.> 

and n(> 
1746. I). 


day of June, MacDonald of Boystil L^^^^^^^]' f atnUy 
MacDonald of Bailshair in North Uist, ot ^^^^^s, 
of Slate [Sleat], James and Lauchlan rXnxit^ri^'^^''' 
and Ranald MacDonald of Torulum, of ^^ ,^^e to 
family, visited the Prince in his ^^^^^^Jl^e^t ^"^^^ 
pay him the compliments of the day. /■ ^^tbout 
was only cold brandy out of a clean sn ^ ^^ ^^1 
any mixture at all, and the Prince s^^^^^ ^^^^^Yi 
better than ainy one of them in drin^^^S 
of the day. , 

A rigorous search for the Prince was "^^^^^^eta-l Catftp^^ ' 
A squadron was watching the coasts, and ^^ ^^^\,tc^ ^^^^ J 
who had gone in pursuit of Charles to 1^^ ^^^^^ ^{ Ju^ • 
returned to Barra and South Uist before tUe ^^^i^t i» ^^ 
The Macleodsof Skye, also, were hunting ^'^'^ Heie^ote. ^^ ^°^ 
neighbourhood of Benbecula. On J vi tie 6, ^'^ 
tinned his flight. 

June 6-21. AioumiH^' '^^' 

From the foot of the mountaxr^ <^^ \^ y^ \<^ 
set sail [June 6] in Campbell's l3oa.t; sUU, ^^^^ 
in the Island Ouia [Wiay], at Bent>icu\a, 
stayed four nights. nd O' 

From thence [June lo] the £*i:ince a 
with a guide, went to Rushness t^?^^"\ q^- 
Lady Clanranald was. Donald [Mac . 
O'SuUi van were left at Ouia, -«wrl^le^re ^^^_, 
nights after the Prince had gon^ off ^ to R^ 
land. The third night after tlxe X>nnce baa 

a Krom Donald Maclec>ci * s Journal. 


Rushness, he got information that it was advisable 
he should go back again to the place from whence 
he had come ; but he knew not well what to do, as 
the boats of the militia had been all the time in the 
course between Ouia and Rushness. Donald and 
O'Sullivan, hearing of the Prince's situation, set sail 
[June 12] under favour of the nigh^ and brought the 
Prince off from Rushness, steering their course from 
thence south again back towards Coradale hill. But 
meeting with a violent storm, and a very heavy rain, 
they were forced to put into Uishness Point, two 
miles and an half north of Coradale. The place they 
put up at in that night [June 13] is called Achkir- 
sideallich [ Acarseid Fhalaich], a rock upon the shore, 
in a clift of which they took up their quarters, the 
storm continuing for a whole day. At night, the 
enemy being within less than two miles of them, 
they set sail again, and arrived [June 14] safely at 
Ciliestiella [Kyle Stuley], from whence they steered 
their course towards Loch Boisdale. But one on 
board swore that there was a long-boat in their way, 
and therefore they steered back to Ciliestiella . . . 
and stayed there that night. Next day [June 15] 
they set out for Loch Boisdale. 

The Lyon in Mourning, i. 195.' 

All that day we were obliged to keep in a narrow 
creek till night that we got into Loch Boisdale. 
Afterwards coming ashore very niuch fatigued, we 

I From Edwacd Burke'l Jouriial. 


came to an old tower in the mouth of the island, 
where we kindled fire, put on our pot in order to 
make ready some provisions ; and Ned Burk went 
out to pull some heath for the Prince's bed. Mean- 
time Donald MacLeod of Gualtergill said there were 
two French ships of war appearing ; but to our great 
surprize they proved to be Englishmen. The Prince 
with three others took to the mountains, and the 
rowers went to the barge lying in the creek and 
steered up the loch. 

The men-of-war steered to the main. At night 
[June 15] we all met again at our barge, wherein we 
had still some small provisions. We stayed in the 
open fields two nights, having only the sails of the 
boat for covers. On the third night [June 18] we 
went farther into the loch, and rested thereabouts 
for other two nights [June 19 and 20]. 

J bid, i. 177.1 

There were at that time two ships of war in the 
mouth of Loch Boisdale, for whom they durst not 
make out of the loch to the sea. Besides there was 
a command of above five hundred redcoats and 
militia within a mile and a half of them. All choices 
were bad, but (under God) they behoved to remove 
from the place where they then were, and to do 
their best. 

The Prince [June 21] called for the boatmen, and 
ordered O'Sullivan to pay every one of them a shill- 

1 From Donald Macleod's Journal. 


ing sterling a day, besides their maintenance. He 
gave a draught of sixty pistols to Donald MacLeod 
to be paid by Mr. John Hay of Restalrig, if he 
should happen to be so lucky as to meet with him 
upon the continent. But as Donald never met with 
Mr. Hay, the draught remains yet unpaid. . . . 

They parted [at Loch Boisdale] with a resolution 
to meet again at a certain place by different roads ; 
Donald MacLeod, O'Sullivan, and the boatmen 
walking away and leaving O'Neil only with the 
Prince. Donald MacLeod went south about, but 
all the men left him, one only excepted; upon 
which he was obliged to sink the boat, and to do 
the best he could to shift for himself.^ 

The Lyon in Mourning, i. 370.2 

At nightfall [June 21] we [the Prince and O'Neil] 
marched towards Benbecula, being informed [Cap- 
tain Carolina] Scott had ordered the militia to come 
and join him. At midnight we came to a hut [near 
Milton], where by good fortune we met with Miss 
Flora Mac Donald, whom I formerly knew. I quitted 
the Prince at some distance from the hut, and went 
with a design to inform myself if the Independent 
Companies were to pass that way next day, as we 
had been informed. The young lady answered me 
— Not— and said that they would not pass till the 
day after. Then I told her I brought a friend to 

1 On July 5, 1746, Donald was taken prisoner in Benbecula. — 
The Lyon, i. 178. 
3 From Captain O' Neil's Journal. 


see her, and she, with some emotion, asked me if 
it was the Prince. I answered her it was, and 
instantly brought him in. . We then consulted on 
the imminent danger the Prince was inj and could 
think of a no more proper and safe expedient than 
to propose to Miss Flora to convey him to the 
Isle of Sky, where her mother lived. This seemed 
the more feasible, as the young lady's father, being 
captain of an Independent Company, would accord 
her a pass for herself and a servant to go visit her 
mother. The Prince assented, and immediately pro* 
pos'd it to the young lady, to which she answered 
with the greatest respect and loyalty ; but declined 
it, saying Sir Alexander MacDonald was too much 
her friend to be the instrument of his ruin. I en- 
deavoured to obviate this by assuring her Sir 
Alexander was not in the country, and that she 
could with the greatest facility convey the Prince to 
her mother's, as she lived close by the waterside. I 
then remonstrated to her the honour and immortality 
that would redound to her by such a glorious action, 
and she at length acquiesced, after the Prince had 
tald her the sense he would always retain of so 
conspicuous a service. She promised to acquaint 
us next day when things were ripe for execution, 
and we parted for the mountains of Coradale. 

June 21-31. 

Ibid» i. 297.1 * 

Miss Macdonald had gone from Sky to Milton 

1 From Flora- Macdonald's narrative. 



in South Uist in order to visit her brother-german, 
who had about that time taken up house. She had 
not been long there till Captain O'Neil . . . had 
become acquainted with her. When . . . Miss 
MacDonald had (with some difficulty) agreed to 
undertake the dangerous enterprize, she set out for 
Clanranald's house [Nunton], Saturday, June 21st, 
and at one of the fords was taken prisoner by a party 
of militia, she not having a passport. She demanded 
to whom they belonged ? And finding by the 
answer that her step-father was then commander, she 
refused to give any answers till she should see their 
captain. So she and her servant,^ Neil MacKechan, 
were prisoners all that night. 

Her step-father, coming next day, being Sunday, 
she told him what she was about, upon which he 
granted a passport for herself, a man-servant (Neil 
MacKechan), and another woman, Bettie Burk, a 
good spinster, and whom he recommended as such 
in a letter to his wife at Armadale in Sky, as she 
had much lint to spin. . . . [He] set his step- 
daughter at liberty, who immediately made the best 
of her way to Clanranald's house, and acquainted 
the Lady Clanranald with the scheme. . . . 
. During Miss MacDonald's stay at Clanranald's 
house, which was till the Friday, June 27th, O^Neil 
went several times betwixt the Prince and Miss, in 
which interval another scheme was proposed, that 

1 Neil Maceachain or Mackechan was a schoolmaster in South 
Uist and tutor to Clanranald's family. 6/. Blaikie, Itinerary^ 99. 


the Prince should go under the care of a gentleman ^ 
to the northward, but that failing them, they behoved 
to have recourse to that agreed upon before ; and 
accordingly Lady Clanranald, one Mrs. MacDonald, 
O'Neil, Miss Flora MacDonald, and her servant, Neil 
MacKechan, went to the place where the Prince 
was, being about eight Scotch miles. He was then 
in a very little house or hut, assisting in the roasting 
of his dinner, which consisted of the heart, liver, 
kidneys, etc., of a bullock or sheep, upon a wooden 
spit. O'Neil introduced his young preserver and 
the company, and she sat on the Prince's right 
hand and Lady Clanranald on his left. Here they 
all dined very heartily. 

The party, alarmed by the approach of the militia, sailed 
across Loch Uskavagh, where, early in the morning of June 
28, the Prince was experimentally metamorphosed into Betty 
Burke, Flora's * good spinster. ' 

The Lyon in Mourning, i. 329.2 

Lady Clanranald begged of his royal highness to 
try on his new female apparel, and after mutually 
passing some jocose drollery concerning the sute of 
cloaths, and the lady shedding some tears for the 
occasion, the said lady dresses up his royal highness 
in his new habit.^ It was on purpose provided coarse, 

1 Hugh Macdonald of Baleshair. — The Lyon, i. 327, 372. 
* From Alexander Macdonald 's Journal, 
s Neither Flora Macdonald nor Captain O'Neil mentions this 
incident, however. 


as it was to be brooked by a gentlewoman's servant. 
The gown was of caligo, a light coloured quilted 
petticoat, a mantle of dun camlet made after the 
Irish fashion with a cap to cover his royal highness 
whole head and face, with a suitable head-dress, 
shoes, stockings, etc. 

The Lyon in Mournings i. 298.1 

Soon after, a man came in a great hurry to Lady 
Clanranald, and acquainted her that Captain Fer- 
guson with an advanced party of Campbell's men 
was at her house. . . . This obliged her to go home 
immediately, which accordingly she did, after taking 
leave of the Prince. . . . 

O'Neil would gladly have staid with the Prince 
and shared in his distresses and dangers, but Miss 
could by no means be prevailed upon to agree to 
that proposal. 

When all were gone ^ who were not to accompany 
the Prince in his voyage to the Isle of Sky, Miss 
MacDonald desired him to dress himself in his new 
attire, which was soon done, and at a proper time 
they removed their quarters and went near the 
water with their boat afloat, nigh at hand for readi- 
ness to embark in case of an alarm from the shore. 
Here they arrived very wet and wearied, and made 
a lire upon a rock to keep them somewhat warm till 
night. They were soon greatly alarmed by seeing 

1 From Flora Macdonald's narrative. 

3 O'Neil was taken prisoner shortly after this.— T'Atf Lyon^ 
». 374. 


four wherries full of armed men making towards 
shore, which made them extinguish their fire quickly, 
and to conceal themselves amongst the heath. . . . 

At eight o'clock, June 28th, Saturday, 1746, the 
Prince, Miss Flora MacDonald, Neil MacKechan, 
etc. [four boatmen],^ set sail in a very clear evening 
from Benbecula to the Isle of Sky. . . . 

They had not rowed from the shore above a 
league till the sea became rough, and at last 
tempestuous, and to entertain the company, the 
Prince sung several songs and seemed to be in 
good spirits. 

In the passage Miss MacDonald fell asleep, and 
then the Prince carefully guarded her, lest in the 
darkness any of the men should chance to step 
upon her. She awaked in a surprize with some 
little bustle in]|the boat, and wondered what was 
the matter, etc.^ 

Next morning, Sunday, June 29th, the boatmen 
knew not where they were, having no compass, and 
the wind varying several times, it being then again 
calm. However, at last they made to the point of 
Waternish, in the west corner of Sky, where they 
thought to have landed, but found the place pos- 
sessed by a body of forces, who had three boats or 
yawls near the shore. One, on board one of the 
boats fired at them to make them bring-to ; but 
they rowed away as fast as they could, being all 

1 Their names are given in The Lyon, iii. 22. 
a Cf. Ibid, i. iii. 


the chance they had to escape, because there were 
several ships of war within sight They got into a 
creek, or rather clift of a rock, and there remained 
some short time to rest the men, who had been all 
night at work, and to get their dinners of what pro- 
visions they had along with them. As soon as they 
could they set forwards again, because, as the militia 
could not bring them to, they had sent up to alarm 
a little town not far off. It was very lucky for them 
that it was a calm then, for otherwise they must 
inevitably have perished or have been taken. 

From hence they rowed on and landed at Kilbride, 
in Troternish, in the Isle of Sky, about twelve miles 
north from the above-mentioned point. There were 
also several parties of militia in the neighbourhood 
of Kilbride. Miss left the Prince in the boat and 
went with her servant, Neil MacKechan, to Mougs- 
tot [Monkstat], Sir Alexander MacDonald's house, 
and desired one of the servants to let Lady Margaret 
MacDonald know she was come to see her ladyship 
in her way to her mother's house. Lady Margaret 
knew her errand well enough by one Mrs. Mac- 
Donald,^ who had gone a little before to apprize 
her of it. 

As Mr. Alexander MacDonald of Kingsburgh was 
accidentally there. Lady Margaret desired him to 
conduct the Prince to his house; for it is to be 
remarked that Lady Margaret did not see the Prince 
in any shape. Kingsburgh sent a boy down to the 

1 Mrs. John Macdonald of Kirkibost. Cf. The l^yon, ii. 13, 17. 


boat with instructions whither to conduct the Prince 
about a mile, and he (Kingsburgh) would be there 
ready to conduct him. Then Kingsburgh took some 
wine, etc., to refresh the Prince with, and set forwards 
for the place of rendez-vous, leaving Miss MacDonald 
with Lady Margaret at Mougstot, where the com- 
manding officer of the parties in search of the Prince 
was, and who asked Miss whence she came, whither 
she was going, what news? etc., all which Miss 
answered as she thought most proper, and so as to 
prevent any discovery of what she had been engaged 

Lady Margaret pressed Miss very much in pres- 
ence of the officer to stay, telling her that she had 
promised to make some stay the first time she 
should happen to come there. But Miss desired to 
be excused at that time, because she wanted to see 
her mother, and to be at home in these troublesome 
times. Lady Margaret at last let her go, and she and 
Mrs. MacDonald above mentioned set forwards with 
Neil MacKechan and said Mrs. MacDonald's maid 
and her man-servant. They overtook the Prince 
and Kingsburgh. Mrs. MacDonald was very de- 
sirous to see the Prince's countenance ; but as he 
went along he always turned away his face from 
Mrs. MacDonald to the opposite side whenever he 
perceived her endeavouring to stare him in the 
countenance. But she got several opportunities 
of seeing his face, though in disguise, which the 
maid could not help taking notice of, and said she 


had never seea such an impudent-looked woman, 
and durst say she was either an Irish woman or else 
a man in a woman's dress. Miss MacDonald replied 
she was an Irish woman, for she had seen her before. 
The maid also took notice of the Prince's awkward 
way of managing the petticoats, and what long strides 
he took in -walking along, etc., which obliged Miss 
MacDonald to desire Mrs. MacDonald (they being 
both on horseback) to step a little faster and leave 
those on foot. ... So on they went, and the Prince 
and Kingsburgh went over the hills and travelled 
south-south-east till they arrived at Kingsburgh's 
house, which was about twelve o'clock at night, 
and they were very wet. 

The Lyon in Mourning, i. 117.1 

When the Prince came to Kingsburgh's house 
(Sunday, June 29th) . . . Mrs. MacDonald, not 
expecting to see her husband that night, was making 
ready to go to bed. One of her servant maids came 
and told her that Kingsburgh was come home and 
had brought some company with him. 'What 
company ? ' says Mrs. MacDonald. * Milton's 
daughter, I believe,' says the maid, *and some 
company with her.' 'Milton's daughter,' replies 
Mrs. MacDonald, 'is very welcome to come here 
with any company she pleases to bring. But you '11 
give my service to her, and tell her to make free 

1 From a collection of • Remarks, etc. , and particular sayings 
of some who were concerned in the Prince's preservation,' made 
by Bishop Forbes, and dated July 20, 1747. 


with anything in the house ; for I am very sleepy, 
and cannot see her this night.' In a little, her own 
daughter came and told her in a surprize, ' O mother, 
my father has brought in a very odd, muckle, ill- 
shaken-up wife as ever I saw ! I never saw the like 
of her, and he has gone into the hall with her/ She 
had scarce done with telling her tale when Kings- 
burgh came and desired his lady to fasten on her 
bucklings again, and to get some supper for him and 
the company he had brought with him. *Pray, 
goodmajn^' says she, * what company is this you have 
brought with you ? ' * Why, good wife,' said he, * you 
shall know that in due time ; only make haste and get 
some supper in the meantime.' Mrs. MacDonald 
desired her daughter to go and fetch her the keys 
she had left in the hall. When the daughter came 
to the door of the hall, she started back, ran to her 
mother and told her she could not go in for the keys, 
for the muckle woman was walking up and down in 
the hall, and she was so frighted at seeing her that 
she could not have the courage to enter. Mrs. 
MacDonald went herself to get the keys, and I 
[Bishop Forbes] heard her more than once declare 
that upon looking in at the door she had not the 
courage to go forward. * For,' said she, * I saw such 
an odd muckle trallup of a carl in making lang wide 
steps through the hall, that I could not like her 
appearance at all' Mrs. MacDonald called Kings- 
burgh, and very seriously begged to know what a 
lang, odd hussie was this he had brought to the 


house. ... * Did you never see a woman before/ 
said he, * good-wife ? What frights you at seeing a 
woman ? Pray, make haste, and get us some supper.' 
Kingsburgh would not go for the keys, and there- 
fore his lady behov'd to go for them. When she 
entered the hall, the Prince happen'd to be sitting ; 
but immediately he arose, went forward and saluted 
Mrs. MacDonald, who, feeling a long stiff beard, 
trembled to think that this behoved to be some 
distressed nobleman or gentleman in disguise, for 
she never dreamed it to be the Prince. . . . She 
very soon made out of the hall with her keys, never 
saying one word. Immediately she importuned 
Kingsburgh to tell her who the person was, for that 
she was sure by the salute that it was some distressed 
gentleman. Kingsburgh smiled at the mention of 
the bearded kiss, and said, * Why, ray dear, it is the 
Prince. You have the honour to have him in your 
house.' * The Prince,' cried she. * O Lord, we are a' 
ruin'd and undone for ever ! We will a' be hang'd 
now ! ' * Hout, goodwife,' says the honest stout 
soul, * we will die but ance ; and if we are hanged 
for this, I am sure we die in a good cause. Pray, 
make no delay ; go, get some supper. Fetch what 
is readiest. You have eggs and butter and cheese 
in the house, get them as quickly as possible.' * Eggs 
and butter and cheese!' says Mrs. MacDonald, 
* what a supper is that for a Prince ? ' * O goodwife,' 
said he, * little do you know how this good Prince 
has been living for some time past. These, I can 


assure you, will be a feast to him. « . . Make haste, 
and see that you come to supper/ 'I come to 
supper ! ' says Mrs. MacDonald ; * how can I come to 
supper ? I know not how to behave before Majesty.' 
* You must come,' says Kingsburgh, * for he will not 
eat a bit till he see you at the table ; and you will 
find it no difficult matter to behave before him, 
so obliging and easy is he in his conversation.' 

The Prince ate of our roasted eggs, some collops, 
plenty of bread and butter, etc., and (to use the 
words of Mrs. MacDonald) * the deel a drap did he 
want in 's weam of twa bottles of sma' beer. God 
do him good o't ; for, well I wat, he had my blessing 
to gae down wi't.' After he had made a plentiful 
supper, he called for a dram ; and when the bottle 
of brandy was brought, he said he would fill the glass 
for himself; *for,' said he, *I have learn'd in my 
skulking to take a hearty dram.' He filled up a 
bumper and drank it off to the happiness and 
prosperity of his landlord and landlady. Then, 
taking a crack'd and broken pipe out of his poutch, 
wrapt about with thread, he asked Kingsburgh if he 
could furnish him with some tobacco ; for that he 
had learn'd likewise to smoke in his wanderings. 
Kingsburgh took from him the broken pipe and laid 
it carefully up with the brogs, and gave him a new, 
clean- pipe and plenty of tobacco. . . . 

After Miss Flora had got up [Monday, June 30], 
Mrs. MacDonald told her that she wanted much to 
have a lock of the Prince's hair, and that she be- 



hoved to go into his room and get it for her. Miss 
Flora refused to do as she desired, because the 
Prince was not yet out of bed. * What then,' said 
Mrs. MacDonald, ' no harm will happen to you. He 
is top good to harm you or any person. You must 
instantly go in and get me the lock.' Mrs. Mac- 
Donald, taking hold of Miss with one hand, knocked 
at the door of the room with the other. The Prince 
called, * Who is there?' Mrs. MacDonald, opening 
the door, said, ' Sir, it is I, and I am importuneing 
Miss Flora to come in and get a lock of your hair 
to me, and she refuses to do it.' *Pray,' said the 
Prince, * desire Miss MacDonald to come in. What 
should make her afraid to come where I am?' 
When Miss came in, he begged her to sit down on 
a chair at the bedside, then laying his arms about 
her waist, and his head upon her lap, he desired her 
to cut out the lock with her own hands in token of 
future and more substantial favours. The one half 
of the lock Miss gave to Mrs. MacDonald, and the 
other she kept to herself. 

The Lyon in Mournings i. 302.1 

Though the Prince was determined (from the 
observations and persuasion of Kingsburgh ^) to cast 
off his disguise, yet it was necessary he should leave 
the house in the female dress he came in . . . and 

1 From Flora Macdonald's narrative. 

2 Cf, The Lyon, i. 75. Kingsburgh objected that the Prince's 
feminine airs were 'all so man-like.' 


therefore in Kingsburgh's house Miss put on his cap 
for him. 

The day [June 30] was far advanced before he 
set out, and when he arrived at a wood side {as the 
affair had been concerted), not far from Kingsburgh, 
he changed his apparel once more and put on the 
Highland dress Kingsburgh had furnished him with.^ 
Then Kingsburgh sent a guide ^ with him to Portree, 
thro' all byways, while Miss MacDonald went thither 
on horseback by another road, thereby the better to 
gain intelligence and at the same time to prevent a 
discovery. . . • 

Hither Kingsburgh^ had sent to prepare a boat 
... to convey the Prince to the place where he 
wanted to be at. . . . Young MacLeod of Raaza 
came with Malcolm MacLeod to conduct the Prince 
over to the Isle of Raaza. The Prince was very 
uneasy he had not a MacDonald to conduct him 

Ibid, ii. 21.* 

The Prince no sooner entred [the inn at PortreeJ 
than he asked if a dram could be got there, the rain 
pouring down his cloaths, he having on a plaid 
without breeches, trews, or even philibeg. Before 
he sat down he got his dram, and then the company 

^ Cf.The Lyon, i. 76. 

2 A boy named Macqueen. Neil Maceachain was also with the 
Prince.— /Wrf. ii. ai, 

3 Shortly after Charles's visit, Kingsburgh was made prisoner.— 
IHd. i. 123, 126. 

^ From Caplam Roy Macdoirald's narrative. 


desired him to shift and put on a dry shirt. Captain 
Roy MacDonald giving him his philabeg. The 
Prince refused to shift, as Miss Flora MacDonald 
was in the room; but the Captain and Neil 
MacKechan told him it was not a time to stand 
upon ceremonies, and prevailed upon him to put on 
a dry shirt. ... 

Before the Prince got on his coats, just in his 
shirt, he fell heartily to the meat, and made good 
use of his time, having travelled on foot from Kings- 
burgh. ... He brought along with him four shirts, 
a cold hen, a bottle of brandy, and a lump of sugar, 
in one of his pockets ; all which small stock of pro- 
visions (adding to them a bottle of whiskie he bought 
from the landlord of Portree) ^ he took along with 
him to the Island of Rasay. ... 

The Prince called for some tobacco that he might 
smoke a pipe before he should go off. . . . The 
Captain ordered the landlord to fetch a quarter of a 
pound, which he did in the scales, at fourpence 
halfpenny. The Prince gave a sixpence, but the 
landlord was desired by the Captain to bring in the 
change. The Prince smiled at the Captain's exact- 
ness, and would not be at the pain to take the three 
halfpence. The Captain insisted he should take 
them . . . opend the purse, and finding an empty 
partition, put the bawbees into it. . . . 

The Prince now began to bid farewel to. Miss 
MacDonald and Neil MacKechan . . . and turning 

1 Charles Macnab.— 7>^ Lyon^ ii. 21. 


to Miss, he said, ^ I believe, Madam, I owe you a 
crown of borrowed money.' She told him it was 
only half-a-crown, which accordingly he paid her 
with thanks. He then saluted her, and expressed 
himself in these or the like words, ' For all that has 
happened I hope. Madam, we shall meet in St. 
James's yet.' He then bad farewel to honest Mac- 
Kechan, who stayed that night with Miss MacDonald 
at Portree, and attended her next day to the place 
she intended to go to.^ This MacKechan found 
the way afterwards to get off to France with the 

When the Prince was about going off from Portree, 
he tied the bottle of whiskie to his belt at one side, 
and the bottle of brandy, the shirts, and the cold 
hen in a napkin at the other side. ... In their 
way to the boat the Prince . . . taking the lump 
of sugar out of his pocket gave it to the Captain, 
and said, *Pray, MacDonald, give this piece of 
sugar to our lady [Flora], for I am afraid she will 
get no sugar where she is going.' The Captain 
refused to take it, begging the Prince to keep it 
for his own use. . . . The Prince would not take 
it again. Upon which the Captain slipt it privately 
into Malcolm MacLeod's hands, desiring him to 
preserve it for the Prince's use. The Prince enjoined 
the Captain a strict silence in these or the like words, 
*Tell nobody, no, not our lady, which way I am 

1 Flora Macdonald was taken prisoner a week or ten days later. 
— The Lyoftt i. 303. 


gone, for it is right that my course should not be 


The Prince then took leave. of the Captain (about 
the dawning of the day, Tuesday,; July ist), the 
boat steering away for Rasay [Raasa]. 

July 1-4. 

The Lyon in Mourning, i. 131. 1 

Early in the morning, July ist, they ^ arrived at 
Glam, in Raaza, where they remained two days in 
a mean, low hut ; and young Raaza [John Macleod] 
was the person that brought provisions to them, 
viz., a lamb and a kid in the nook of his plaid. . . . 

The Prince began to be anxious to be out of 
Raaza, alleging the island to be too narrow and 
confin'd in its bounds for his purpose, and proposed 
setting out for Troternish in Sky. . . . 

July 2d. About 7 o'clock at night he went on 
board the above mentioned small boat, attended 
by the young Laird of Raaza . . . and his brother 
Murdoch, Captain [Malcolm] MacLeod and the two 
boatmen, John MacKenzie and Donald MacFrier, 
who had been both out in his service, the one 
a sergeant and the other a private man. They had 
not well left the shore till the wind blew a hard 
gale. . . . The Prince would by no means hear 
of returning, and to divert the men from thinking 

^ From Captain Malcolm Macleod's narrative. 

a On the voyage to Raasa the Prince was accompanied by 
Malcolm Macleod, Murdoch Macleod, and John Macleod. — 
The Lyon, i. 130, 302. 


on the danger, he sung them a merry Highland 
song. About nine or ten o'clock the same night 
they landed at a place in Sky called Nicolson's 
Rock, near Scorobreck, in Troternish. . . . They 
went forwards to a cow-byre on the rock, about 
two miles from Scorobreck, a gentleman's house. 
In this byre the Prince took up his quarters, the 
whole company still attending him. Here they 
took some little refreshment of bread and cheese 
they had along with them, the cakes being mouldered 
down into very small crumble. 

Captain MacLeod intreated the Prince to put on 
a dry shirt and to take some sleep; but he con- 
tinued sitting in his wet cloaths, and did not then 
incline to sleep. However, at last he began to nap 
a little, and would frequently start in his sleep, look 
briskly up, and stare boldly in the face of every 
one of them as if he had been to fight them. . . . 

About six or seven o'clock at night [July 3] the 
Prince, taking the little baggage in his hand, stept 
out of the byre, and desired the Captain [Malcolm 
Macleod] to follow him. . . , 

The Prince proposed to pass for the Captain's 
servant, the better to conceal him, which was agreed 
to, and that he should be named Lewie Caw, there 
being of that name a young surgeon lad (who had 
been in the Prince's service) skulking at that time 
in Sky, where he had some relations. . . . 

As they were marching along and talking of the 
fatigues the Prince was obliged to undergoe, he 



said : * MacLeod ... I have had this philibeg on 
now for some days, and I find I do as well with 
it as any the best breeches I ever put on. I hope 
in God, MacLeod, to walk the streets of London 
with it yet.' . . . The Captain remarked it was 
proper they should pass the road that leads to the 
Laird of MacLeod's country in the night time for 
fear of parties spying them ; which accordingly they 
did by break of day. And the Prince looking about 
him, and seeing nothing but hills all around them, 
said, * I am sure, the Devil cannot find us out now.' 

As they were coming near Strath, MacKinnon's 
country, the Captain suggested to the Prince that 
now . . . some shift behoved to be fain upon to 
disguise him more and more still. The Prince 
proposed blacking his face with some one thing 
or another. But the Captain was against that pro- 
posal. . . . The Prince then pulling off the periwig 
and putting it in his pocket, took out a dirty white 
napkin and desired the Captain to tye that about 
his head, and to bring it down upon his eyes and 
nose. He put the bonnet on above the napkin 
. . . MacLeod told him — this would not do yet, 
for that those who had ever seen him before would 
still discover his face for all the disguise he was 
in. The Prince said, * This is an odd remarkable 
face I have got that nothing can disguise it' . . . 

When [July 4] they were near the place the 
Captain designed to set up at, he told the Prince 
that, he had a sister that dwelt there, who was 



married to John MacKinnon . . . and that he 
judged it advisable to go to his sister's house, 
advising the Prince in the meantime to sit at a 
little distance from the house. . . . Mr. MacLeod 
accordingly went to the house, where he found his 
sister, but her husband was not at home. After 
the usual compliments he told his sister that . . . 
he had no body along with him but one Lewie 
Caw . . . and that he was with him as his servant. 
Upon this Lewie Caw was called upon to come 
into the house, the place being called Ellagol, or 
Ellighuil, near Kilvory or Kilmaree ... in Strath. 
When Lewie entered the house with the baggage 
on his back and the napkin about his head, he 
took off his bonnet, made a low bow, and sat at 
a distance from his master. The Captain's sister 
said there was something about that lad she liked 
unco well, and she could not help admiring his 
looks. When . . . bread and cheese, milk, etc., 
were set down before the master . . . sick Lewie 
made it shy, and refused to eat with his master, 
and alledged he knew better manners. But the 
master ordering him to come and take a share, he 
obeyed, still keeping off the bonnet. . . . 

Malcolm importuned the Prince to go to bed 
and take some rest. The Prince then asked who 
would keep guard for fear of an alarm ? Malcolm 
said he would do it himself. The Prince at last 
was prevailed upon to throw himself upon a bed, 
but would not strip. . . . 


The Captain hearing that the landlord was coining 
towards home went out to meet him. After saluting 
him he asked if he saw these ships of war (pointing 
to them) that were hovering about upon the coast. 
Mr, MacKinnon said he saw them very well. * What,' 
said MacLeod, *if our Prince be on board one of 
them ? ' * God forbid,' replied MacKinnon. . . . 
* Well, then,' said MacLeod, * he is here already. He 
is just now in your house. But when you go in you 
must be careful to take no notice of him at all. 
He passes for one Lewie Caw, my servant.' John 
faithfully promised to observe the direction, and 
thought he could perform it well enough. But 
he was no sooner entred the house than he could 
not hold his eyes from staring upon Lewie, and 
very soon he was forced to turn his face away from 
the Prince and to weep. In this house the Prince 
diverted himself with a young child, Neil Mac- 
Kinnon, carrying him in his arms ^nd singing to 
him, and said, ' I hope this child tnay be a captain 
in my service yet.' 

The Prince and Malcolm ... judged it advisable 
to desire John MacKinnon to hire a boat under 
a pretence of Malcolm MacLeod's only sailing to 
the continent, taking his promise in the meantime 
that he should not communicate anything of the 
matter at all to the old Laird [of Mackinnon] if 
he should chance to see him.; Accordingly John 
went to hire the boat, and meeting with the old 
chiftain, he could not keep the matter from him. 


The Laird told John that he should get a right 
boat and manage that matter well enough, and that 
he would instantly come to the place where the 
Prince was. John returned to the Prince and told 
him what he had done, and that old MacKinnon 
was coming to wait upon him. Upon this Malcolm 
represented to the Prince that ... he should leave 
the Prince altogether to the management of old 
MacKinnon, who he was persuaded would be very 
careful of him^ and exceedingly true and firm to 
the trust. . . . With much reluctancy the Prince 
at last agreed to the proposal, and upon old Mac- 
Kinnon's coming to them they went directly to 
the boat, John MacKinnon going with them, who 
likewise accompanied the Prince and old MacKinnon 
to the continent [mainland].^ 

July 5-10. 

The Lyon in Mourning, ii. 251.2 

The Prince and his company arrived next morning 
[July 5] about 4 on the south side of Loch Nevis, 
near little Mallack [Mallaig], where they landed and 
lay three nights in the open air. The Laird [Mac- 
kinnon] and one of the men (John M*Guines) 
having gone the fourth day [July 8] to seek a cave 
to lie in, the Prince, with John MacKinnon and the 

^ Captain Malcolm Macleod left the Prince here and was made 
prisoner a few days later in Raasa. — The Lyon^ i. 143. 

2 From materials collected by Mr. John Walkinshaw of London, 
put together by Mr. James Elphinstone of E>iinburgh, and by him 
communicated to Bishop Forbes. 


Other 3 rowers, took to the boat, and rowed up 
Loch Nevis along the coast. As they turned a 
point they spied a boat tied to the rock, and five 
men with red crosses over their bonnets standing on 
the shore. ^ These immediately called out, demand- 
ing whence they came. John MacKinnon's people 
answered, * From Slate,' whereupon they were ordered 
ashore. But not complying with this summons, the 
five red crosses jumped into their boat, and set 
4 oars agoing in pursuit of them. . . . Upon this 
John [Mackinnon], taking an oar himself, plied it 
so manfully, and so animated his fellow-tuggers, 
that they out-rowed their bloodthirsty pursuers, 
turned quick round a point, and stood in towards 
the shore, which they had no sooner reached than 
the Prince sprung out of the boat, and attended by 
John and another, mounted nimbly to the top of 
the hill.2 

On this eminence the Prince slept three hours, 
and then returning down the hill, he re-imbarked 
and crossed the loch to a little island ^ about a mile 
from Scotus's [Donald Macdonald's] house, where 
Clanranald, to whom he sent a message by John 
MacKinnon, then was. Upon John's return they 
repassed the loch and landed at Mallack, where 
having refreshed themselves, and met with Old 

1 The militia were quartered at Earnsaig, on Loch Nevis. — 
Blaikie, Itinerary^ 55. 
' Traditionally Aonach. — Ibid, 55. 
' Eilean na Glaschoille, or Prince's Isle. — Ibid, 56. 


M'Kinnon and servant, they set out for McDonald 
of Moran's [Morar's] seat, which was about 7 or 
8 miles distant. ... A little before day [July 
9] they arrived at Moran's borthe or hut, his 
house having been burned by Captain Fergusson* 
M'Kinnon went in alone, and Moran immediately 
getting out of bed, they both hasted to the door to 
introduce the strangers. This done, Moran's first 
care was to dismiss all the children and servants, 
keeping only his lady, who is Lochiel's daughter. 
She knowing the Prince at first sight, he saluted 
her, and the meeting was extremely tender, the lady 
bursting into a flood of tears. After having some 
refreshment of cold salmon warmed again, but no 
bread, the travellers left the borthe, and were con- 
ducted by Moran to a cave, where they slept ten 
hours, Moran being in the meantime dispatched in 
quest of young Clanranald. About noon Moran 
returned with accounts that Clanranald was not to 
be found.^ So it was resolved to part with old 
M'Kinnon and Moran, and in the evening to set 
out with a boy for the house of Aneas or Angus 
McDonald of Burghdale [Borradale], in Arisaig, 
which was the first house the Prince was in when 
he came to the continent. Here they arrived 
before day [July 10], found the house burned by 
Captain Fergusson, and Mr. McDonald himself with 
two men at a borthe hard by. John M'Kinnon 
went in abruptly, desiring that unfortunate gentle- 

1 Cf, The Lyon in Mournings iii. 184. 


man to rise. . . . Then John asked him if he had 
heard anything of the Prince. Aneas answered, 
*No.* . . . *Well, then/ replies John, *I have 
brought him here' . . . *I am glad of it,' said 
Angus, ^ and shall not fail to take care of him.' ^ 

July h— August 22. 

The Lyon in Mourning, i. 333.^ 

Angus MacDonald . . . was obliged to remove 
with his royal highness to a hut in a neighbouring 
wood, where he refreshed himself the best way he 
could for three days [July 11-13]. 

Upon the [13th] of July his royal highness wrote 
a private letter ... to Alexander MacDonald of 
Glenaladale, major to Clanranald in his royal high- 
nesses service, and who was well known to his royal 
highness before, commanding his attendance at the 
foresaid place to concert measures for his royal 
highness's safety. . . . 

Immediately after sending off the above-mentioned 
express, his royal highness got an account of Mac- 
Kinnon's being taken, which made it, he judged, 
proper for his royal highness to remove, upon the 
[13th], four miles to the eastward, to an inaccessible 
cave . . . accompanied by the said Angus Mac- 
Donald of Boradale and his son (Ranald, formerly 

1 Old Mackinnon and John Mackinnon were shortly after made 
prisoners. — The Lyon, ii. 253. 

3 From Captain Alexander Macdonald's Journal. I have 
emended his dates. Cf. Blaikie, Itinerary, 56. 


lieutenant to Clanranald's own company), where he 
was to stay till Glenaladale should join him. 

On the [iSth] of July at night, Glenaladale met 
with the foresaid Angus MacDonald at the place 
they had formerly agreed upon, from whence he 
was conducted to his royal highness. On the [i6th] 
Angus MacDonald got a letter from a son-in-law 
[Angus Maceachine] . . . representing how danger- 
ous it was for them to stay any longer there, and 
making an offer of a place he had prepared. Ac- 
cordingly Ranald MacDonald was sent to reconnoitre 
the place. 

Upon the [17th] of July ... his royal highness 
judged it proper ^ to remove ... to the place pre- 
pared for him in the Glen of Moror . . . and sent 
Angus MacDonald to provide some necessaries. 
Upon his royal highness's arrival at his quarters, an 
information was brought that General Campbell, 
with six men-of-war, well furnished with troops, had 
anchored at Loch Naives [Nevis] . . . whereupon two 
men were sent ... to observe General Campbeirs 
motions. But before they had time to return, Angus 
MacDonald came back upon the [i8th] early . . . 
and brought intelligence that Captain Scott had come 
to the lower part of Arisaig from Glengary's Moror. 

His royal highness . , . finding upon this infor- 
mation that Clanranald's country was surrounded,^ 

' Cf, The Lyon in Mourning, iii. 377. 

2 The troops were placed in twenty-seven camps, from the 
head of Loch EH to the head of Loch Hourn. — Ibid, ii. 364. 


. . . sets out [July i8] accompanied only by Major 
Mac Donald of Glenaladale and his brother (Lieu- 
tenant John MacDonald), and . . . John MacDonald, 
junior, Boradale's son, being obliged to part with 
Angus MacDonald of Boradale, and his son-in-law 
(Angus MacEachine) . . . and by twelve o'clock 
they came to the top of a hill in the outmost bounds 
of Arisaig called Scoorvuy [Sgur Mhuide], where 
having taken some refreshment it was thought proper 
to send Lieutenant John MacDonald (Glenaladale's 
brother) to Glenfinnin [Glenfinnan] ... as well for 
intelligence as to bring two men Glenaladale kept 
still on guard there, and appointed them to meet 
him about ten o'clock at night on the top of a hill 
above Locharkaig in Lochiel's country, called Scoor- 
wick Corrichan [Sgor nan Coireachan]. 

Lieutenant MacDonald being sent off, his royal 
highness set out, and by two o'clock came to the top 
of a neighbouring hill called Fruighvein [Fraoch- 
bheinn], where, observing some cattle in motion . . . 
Major MacDonald of Glenaladale . . . found this to be 
some of his own tenants removing with their cattle 
from the troops, who by this time, to the number of 
five or seven hundred, had come to the head of 
Locharkaig, in order to inclose his royal highness 
in Clanranald's country. . . . Major MacDonald of 
Glenaladale bringing back word ... of what he had 
heard, they resolved to alter their course, and accord- 
ingly the Major sent ... to call back Lieutenant 
MacDonald . . . and sent ... for one Donald 


Cameron of Glenpean ... in order to learn ... if 
he would undertake to guide his royal highness by 
their guards if possible. . . . 

Soon after, the express sent to Glenfinnan . . . 
brought word that a hundred of the Argyle-shire 
militia had come to the very foot of the hill where 
his royal highness stayed ; whereupon ... as there 
was no time to wait for Donald Cameron ... his 
royal highness ... set out about sun-setting with his 
small retinue, and travelled pretty hard till about 
eleven o'clock at night, when, passing thro' a hollow 
between two hills, they observed a man coming 
down one of the hills . . . and as Providence would 
have it, found him to be their intended guide, Donald 
Cameron. . . . Upon this they pursued their way 
through roads almost impassable even in day light, 
and travelling all night they came at four o'clock in 
the morning upon the [19th] of July to the top of a 
hill in the Brae of Locharkaig, called Mamnyn- 
leallum [Mamnyn Callum], from whence they could 
. . . discern their enemy's camp, being not a mile 
distant. But being informed by the guide that that 
hill was searched the day before by the troops, they 
supposed there would not be a second search that 
day, and therefore they resolved to pass the day 
there. ^ . . . 

His royal highness continued in the top of the 
said hill all that day, and about nine o'clock at night 

1 John Macdonald, Glenaladale's brother, rejoined the party 


set out with his retinue to the northward, and by one 
o'clock in the morning of July [20th] came to a 
place called Corrinangaull [Coire>nan-gall]. . . . 

Being pinched in provisions . . . they chused a 
fast place in the face of a hill at the head of Loch- 
qhuaigh [Loch Quoich], to which fastness they came 
about two. o'clock in the morning, having only about 
a mile in walking to it. After taking an hour's rest 
there, the guide and Lieutenant MacDonald . . . 
were sent off to the hill above them to furnish some 
provisions . . . who came back to them about 
3 o'clock, having got only two small cheeses, that 
would not be a morsel to the piece of them ; and 
brought intelligence that about one hundred of the 
red-coats were marching up the other side of the hill 
his royal highness lodged in. . . . Notwithstanding 
. . . they stayed in the same place till about eight 
o'clock at night, when . . . climbing a steep hill 
called Drimachosi [Druim Cosaidh] to the top, they 
observed the fires of a camp directly in their front 
... at Glenqhosy [Glen Cosaidh]. However, being 
resolved to pass at any rate, they came so near with- 
out being observed as to hear them talk distinctly ; 
and ascending the next hill . . . spied the fires of 
another camp at the very foot where they were to 
descend. But turning a little westward, they passed 
between two of their guards betwixt one and two 
o'clock in the morning of July [21st]. After travel- 
ling two miles, as they judged, beyond them, they 
came, betwixt two and three o'clock in the morning, 


to a place on the Glenealg side of the head of [Loch 
Hourn] called Corriscorridill [Coire-Sgoir-adail], 
where, having chosen a fast place,^ they took such 
refreshment as the exigency of the time afforded 
them, his royal highness covering a slice of cheese 
with oatmeal . . . and drank of the cold stream 
along with it. 

His royal highness passed the whole day in the 
above place till about eight o'clock at night . . • 
and by three o'clock in the morning of July [22nd] 
they came to Glensheil in Seaforth's country. As 
they had run out entirely of their last supply of pro- 
visions, the Major and Lieutenant John MacDonald 
(Boradale's son) were sent off as well to furnish some 
as to provide a guide to conduct them to Pollieu 
[Poolewe] in Seaforth's country^ where his royal 
highness had heard some French vessels to have 
been ; and coming to the place where the inhabitants 
were, the Major bought some provisions, and made 
application to one of the inhabitants for a guide, 
which he undertook to provide. In the meantime 
... a Glengary man [Donald Macdonald] ^ appears 
coming towards them, who that morning had been 
chased by the troops . . . from Glengary to Glen- 
sheil. Upon seeing this man the Major knew him 
. . . and conceiving him to be a trusty fellow, 
resolved to make use of him. . . . 

About seven o'clock at night, the man who under- 
took to furnish the guide was seen coming to . . . 

1 Cf. The Ly<m;\\\, 378. » IHd. iii. 378. 


the Major, who . . . found that the only French 
ship that had been there was gone off, and that no 
guide could be procured. . . . 

Immediately Glenaladale returned to the Prince 
and told him what had passed ; whereupon it was 
resolved to change their course, and accordingly the 
Glengary man was introduced to his royal highness, 
and most chearfully undertook to guide him. And, 
preparing to pursue their journey, they set out late 
at night, and going on about a quarter of a mile, 
they stopt a little, which was occasioned by the 
Major's . . . missing his purse, wherein he had 
another purse of gold he had got the charge of from 
his royal highness in order to defray his charges, and 
which he had forgot when they had been preparing 
for their journey. ... In the midst of his surprize, 
he reflected it might have been taken away by a 
little boy sent by their landlord [at Glenshiel], 
Gilchrist MacCrath, with a compliment of milk. . . . 
Accordingly the Major and Lieutenant MacDonald 
went all the way to MacCrath's house, which was 
more than a mile off . . , to oblige the boy to 
restore the purse, which he did to a trifle. They 
returned by a different road from what they had 
gone before, and came to the Prince, who was in 
great pain for them, fearing they might have been 
intercepted by an officer and two private men that 
pass'd under arms by the place where his royal 
highness was in their absence. . . . 

Having once more got together, his royal highness 


and his small retinue set out, and travelling all the 
remainder of the night, came early in the morning of 
July [23rd] to a hill-side above Strathcluaine [Strath- 
clunie], and chusing a fast place, took some rest till 
towards three o'clock afternoon, when they set out, 
and travelling by a hill-side about a mile from the 
place they rested in, they heard the firing of small 
arms in the hill above them. . . . They steered their 
course northward, and mounting up a high hill be- 
twixt the Braes of Glenmoriston and Strathglass, 
came late at night to the very top of it . . . the only 
shelter his royal highness could have being an open 
cave, where he could neither lean nor sleep, being 
wet to the skin . . . and having no fuel to make a 
fire, the only method he had of warming himself 
was smoking a pipe. 

About three o'clock in the morning of July [24th] 
the Lieutenant (Glenaladale's brother) and the guide 
(the providential Glengary man) were sent in quest 
of some trusty people ... to conduct his royal 
highness to Pollieu, and were appointed to return 
to the top of a neighbouring hill, where his royal 
highness and the remainder of his retinue were 
to meet them. Accordingly, about five o'clock in 
the morning his royal highness set out, and by seven 
came to the top of that hill, where meeting with the 
guide on his return, he told he had found out his 
intended trustees, who had given him directions . . . 
to repair into a cave in the Brae of Glenmoriston 
called Coiraghoth[Coiredhogha], where they promised 


to come at an appointed hour with a refreshment. 
Accordingly his royal highness set out, and by the 
time appointed came to the place, and meeting with 
these few friends (who upon sight knew his royal 
highness, having formerly served in his army), they 
conducted him to the grotto, where he was refreshed 
with such chear as the exigency of the time afforded; 
and making a bed for him, his royal highness was 
lulled asleep with the sweet murmurs of the finest 
purling stream that could be, running by his bedside, 
within the grotto, in which romantic habitation ^ his 
royal highness pass'd three days, at the end of which 
he was so well refreshed that he thought himself able 
to encounter any hardships. 

Having time in that space to provide some neces- 
saries and to gather intelligence about the enemy's 
motions, they removed, on the [28th] of [July], into 
a place within two miles of them, called Coirmhea- 
dhain [Coire Mheadhoin], where they took up their 
habitation in a grotto no less romantic than the 
former. ... In this place he resided four days; 
but, being informed that one Campbell (factor to 
Seaforth in Kintale, and captain at that time of a 
company of militia) had . . . pitched his camp 
within four miles of them, it was then resolved his 
royal highness should remove his quarters. Accord- 
ingly, upon the [ist] of August, he set out to the 
northward, and by break of day upon the [2nd], 

^ A picture and ground-plan of the cave are in Blaikie, 
Itinerary, 60, 61. 


came in upon the Brae of the Chisholm's country, 
called Strathglass, having left one of their party be- 
hind in the Brae of Glenmoriston to wait Campbell's 
motions. That . . . friend brought word that they 
needed not be afraid for that night. Upon this his 
royal highness repaired to a neighbouring sheally 
hut. . . . They remained in this place two days. . . . 

Early in the morning of August [4th], his royal 
highness set out to the northward so far on his way 
to Pollieu in case of any encouragement from that 
quarter, and travelling a muir road unfrequented, 
came that night into another sheally hut, about 
. . . five or six miles from where they had set 
out. There they remained all night, and set out 
about two o'clock in the morning of August [5th], 
and came about twelve o'clock into a place called 
Glencanna [Glencannich], where, passing the re- 
mainder of the day in a wood, they repaired late at 
night to a neighbouring village, where they stayed 
only the dead of night. 

About two o'clock in the morning of August [6th] 
they set out and climbed a hill [Beinn Acharain] on 
the northmost side of Glencanna, where they pass'd 
the day and sent off two of their party to furnish a 
fresh supply of provisions. At night they repaired 
into a neighbouring sheally hut, where they remained 
two days, expecting the return of the express sent off 
to Pollieu [on August 4th], who . . . brought back 
word that the only French ship that had come there 
had sailed off again, and that a couple of gentlemen 



who had come on board of her had actually landed, 
and were making ... for Lochiel's country in 
search of the Prince. He . . . resolved to return 
towards the place from whence he had come, in 
order to meet with them. 

August [SthJ, at night, they set out cross the 
water of Canna [Cannich] back again, and . . . 
came by two o'clock in the morning [August 9th] 
to a place called Fassanacoill [FasnsJLyle] in Strath- 
glass; and ... it was resolved (before his royal 
highness should venture any further) to send some 
spies to the Braes of Glengary and Lochiel's 
country. . . . 

They waited the return of the spies, who brought 
notice that the forces had returned to their camp.^ 
Whereupon his royal highness set out by six o'clock 
in the morning of August [12th] . . . and came by 
ten o'clock to the Braes of Glenmoriston, and, 
passing the day on the top of a hill, they set out at 
night, and had not travelled above a mile when they 
learned that a strong party had been detached to the 
Braes of Glengary in quest of the Prince. Upon 
this it was resolved to proceed no further . . . and 
then they repaired into a neighbouring sheally hut, 
where they passed the remainder of the night. 

Upon August [13th], in the morning, three 
expresses were sent off — two to Lochiel's country, 

1 The camp at Fort Augustus was broken up on August 13, and 
the Argyleshire militia were disbanded at Inveraray about August 
17.— -Scots Magasine, 1746, p. 394. 


Locharkaig, who were to seek out Cluns Cameron, 
and to tell him from Major MacDonald of Glenala- 
dale that he wanted to meet with him in a con- 
venient place ; and the third express was to return 
at the Brae of Glengary, and to bring back word if 
the party they were informed of the night before 
had returned to their camp or not. . . . 

Accordingly the expresses were sent off, and, upon 
the [14th], the one that was to return brought word 
that the road was clear. Whereupon the Prince 
and his small party, being then ten in number . . . 
came late at night to the Brae of Glengary . . . [and] 
the night being very dark, they were obliged to pass 
it on the side of a hill, without any cover, though 
it rained excessively. 

In the morning of August [15th] the Prince set 
out, the rain still continuing very heavy, and, travel- 
ling six miles cross hills and muirs, came about ten 
o'clock to the Brae of a place called Achnas[ua]l. 
There they passed the day in a most inconvenient 
habitation, it raining as heavy within as without it. 
Towards the afternoon . . . the expresses came to 
them, and brought word to the Major that Cameron 
of Cluns . . . would come to them next morning. 
. . . Lochgary joined them that night, after which 
they took their rest. 

About ten o'clock in the morning of August [i6th], 
Cluns Cameron joined them, and . . . conducted 
them into a wood at the foot of Locharkaig, where 
they lodged all night, etc. 


Timeous in the morning of August [17th], an 
express was sent off to Lochiel to command his 
attendance . . . who brought word that Lochiel, 
not being recovered of his wounds, and being at too 
great a distance, could not come, but he sent his 
brother, Dr. Cameron, to make his apology, who 
came to his royal highness upon August [20th]. 

August [2 ist]. The Prince set out with his attend- 
ants, and travelling about a mile, came to a wood 
opposite to Achnacary called Torramhuilt or Tor- 
vauilt; Dr. Cameron and Lochgary having parted 
with his royal highness about three or four o'clock 
in the afternoon to avoid suspicion, as did also 
Cluns Cameron, how soon he had conducted his 
royal highness into this last habitation.^ 

August 23 — September 19. 

The Lyon in Mournings i. 99.2 

We continued in this wood and that over against 
Achnacarie (having three huts in different places to 
which we removed by turns). . . . We were [August 
23 ?] not half an hour in the hut which Cluns had 
built for his family (after his house was burnt), when 
a child of six years old went out and returned in haste 
to tell that she saw a great body of soldiers. . . . We 
left the hut and marched to a small hill above the 
wood, from whence we could see a great way up Glen- 

^ While at Torvault, the Prince received the two French officers 
who had landed at Poolewe. Cf, The Lyon, i. 98, 349 ; iii. 102. 

3 From Mr. John Cameron's Journal. He had joined the Prince 
with Dr. Cameron on August ao at -Loch Arkaig. 


kingie and not be discovered. We got there un- 
observed, which was owing to the cover of the wood. 
The Prince examined all our guns and . . . sent 
Cluns and me to take a narrow view of the party, 
and resolved that night to goe to the top of MuUan- 
tagart [Meall-an-Tagraidh], a very high mountain in 
the Braes of Glenkengie, and to send one to us to 
know what we discovered or were informed of. When 
we came to the Strath of Cluns, the women told us 
that the party was of Lord Loudon's regiment, con- 
sisting of about 200 men, commanded by one Captain 
Grant, son to Grant of Knockando in Strathspey.^ 
... In the evening Cluns's son came to us from the 
Prince, with whom we returned, told him as we 
were informed, and brought some whiskie, bread, 
and cheese. This was about 1 2 at night. He was 
on the side of the mountain, without fire or any 
covering. We persuaded him to take a hearty dram 
and made a fire, which we durst not keep above 
half an hour lest it should be seen by the people in 
the neighbourhood. By daylight [August 24 ?] we 
went to the top of the mountain, where we con- 
tinued till eight in the evening without the least 
cover, and durst not rise out of our seats. The 
Prince slept all the forenoon in his plaid and wet 
hose, altho' it was an excessive cold day, made more 
so by several showers of hail. From thence we 

1 After the camp at Fort Augustus was broken up, Lord Loudon 
was left there with his regiment and some companies of militia.— 
Scots Magazine^ 1746, p. 394. 


went that night to the Strath of Glenkengie, killed a 
cow, and lived merrily for some days. From that 
we went [August 26 ?] to the Braes of Achnacarie. 
The Water of Arkeg in crossing came up to our 
haunches. The Prince in that condition lay that 
night and next day in open air, and though his 
deaths were wet, he did not suffer the least in his 

In a day or two after, Lochgary and Dr. Cameron 
returned [August 27] from Lochiel . . . and told it 
was Lochiel's opinion and theirs, that the Prince 
would be safe where he (Lochiel) was skulking. 
This pleased him much, and the next night [August 
28] he set out with Lochgary, the Doctor and Sandy 
(Cluns's son), myself and three servants.^ We 
traveird in the night and slept all day, till we came 
to Lochiel, who was then in the hills betwixt the 
Braes of Badenoch and Athol. 

The Lyon in Mournings iii. 39.* 

The Prince lay the first night [August 2^] at 
Corineuir [Coire an lubhair Mor] at the foot of 
Benalder after his coming to Badenoch, from which 
he was conducted next day [August 30] to Mellan- 
muir [Mealan Odhar ?] in Benalder, a sheiling of a 
very narrow compass where Locheil with MTherson 
of Breakachie, Allan Cameron, his {ue, Lochiel's) 
principal servant, and two servants of Cluny were 

1 Cf. The Lyon, iii. loi. 

3 From information given by Macpherson of Cluny's brother. 


at the time. . . . Locheil, tho' lame, made the best 
of his way to meet his Royal Highness without, 
who . . . received him very graciously. . . . How- 
ever . . . when the other would have kneeld at his 
coming up to him, he sad, * Oh! no, my dear Locheil,* 
claping him on the shoulder, * you don't know who 
may be looking from the tops of yonder hills. . . .* 
Locheil then ushered him into his habitation, which 
was indeed but a very poor one as to the accomoda- 
tion and make. . . . 

There was plenty of mutton newly killed, and an 
anker of whiskie of twenty Scotch pints, with some 
good beef sassers made the year before, and plenty 
of butter and cheese, and besides, a large well cured 
bacon ham. . . . Upon his entry he took a hearty 
dram, which he pretty often called for thereafter to 
drink his friends healths ; and when there were some 
minch'd collops dress'd with butter for him in a 
large sawce pan ... he eat heartily, and said with a 
very chearful and lively countenance, * Now, gentle- 
men, I leive like a Prince.' ... In two days after 
. . . Cluny came [September i] to 'em there from 
Achnicarry, and . . . when he wou'd have kneeled, his 
Royal Highness took and prevented him, and kissed 
him, as if he had been an equal, and soon after said, 
* I 'm sorry, Cluny, you and your regiment were not 
at Culloden. I did not hear till of very late that 
you was so near to have come up with us that 

Upon the next day [September 2] after Cluny's 


coming, he thought it was time to move the quarters, 
and brought the Prince about two miles further into 
Benalder, to a little sheill called Uiskchilra [Allt a 
Chaoil Reidhe], where the hut or bothie was super- 
latively bad and smockie. Yet his Royal Highness 
took with everything. Here he remained for two or 
three nights, and then from thence removed [Septem- 
ber 5] to a very romantic comical habitation made 
out for him by Cluny, at two miles farther distance 
into Benalder, called the Cage. It was really a 
curiosity, and can scarcely be described to perfec- 
tion. 'Twas situate in the face of a very rough, high, 
rockie mountain called Lettemilichk [Litir-na-lic], 
which is still a part of Benalder, full of great stones 
and crevices and some scattered wood interspersed. 
The habitation called the Cage^ in the face of that 
mountain, was within a small thick bush of wood. 
There were first some rows of trees laid down in 
order to level a floor for the habitation ; and as the 
place was steep, this rais'd the lower side to equall 
height with the other ; and these trees, in the way 
of jests or planks, were entirely well levelled with 
earth and gravel. There were betwixt the trees, 
growing naturally on their own roots, some stakes 
fixed in the earth, which with the trees were inter- 
woven with ropes made of heath and birch twigs all 
to the top of the Cage, it being of a round or rather 
oval shape, and the whole thatched and covered 
over with foge. This whole fabrick hung as it were 
by a large tree, which reclined from the one end all 


along the roof to the other, and which gave it the 
name of the Cage ; and by chance there happened 
to be two stones at a small distance from other 
in the side next the precipice, resembling the pillars 
of a bosom chimney, and here was the fire placed. 
The smock had its vent out there, all along a very 
stonny plat of the rock, which and the smock were 
all together so much of a colour that any one coud 
make no difference in the clearest day, the smock 
and stones by and through which it pass'd being of 
such true and real resemblance. The Cage was no 
larger than to contain six or seven persons, four of 
which number were frequently employed in playing 
at cards, one idle looking on, one becking, and 
another firing bread and cooking.^ 

Here his Royal Highness remained till he was 
acquainted that the shipping for receiving and 
transporting him to France was arrived. ^ . . . 
Alexander MTherson . . . brought the express 
directly to the Cage . . . about one in the morning 
the thirteenth of September, on which minute his 
Royal Highness began his journey for the shipping, 
and against daylight arrived at his old quarters in 
Uiskchilra ^ . . . where he remained till near night, 
and then set off, and was by daylight the 14th at 
Corvoy [Coir-a-Mhaighe], where he sleep'd some time. 

"^ Cf. 2l description of the Cage, quoted in Blaikie, Itinerary, 69. 
2 Two French ships anived at Lochnanuagh on September 6.— 
Ibid. 69. 
' Breakachie here brought John Roy Stewart to the Prince. 


Upon his being refresh'd with sleep, he being at a 
sufficient distance from any country, did spend the 
day by diverting himself and his company with 
throwing up of bonnets in the air, and shuting 
at 'em ... in which diversion his Royal Highness 
by far exceeded; and in the evening of the four- 
teenth he set forward and went on as far as Uiskni- 
fichit [Uisge-nam-Fichead], on the confines of 
Glenroy ... in which last place he refresh'd him- 
self some hours with sleep ; and before it was 
daylight got over Glenroy the fifteenth, and kept 
themselves private all day. . . . 

After the morning of the i6th, the Prince arrived 
in Achnicarry, Locheil's seat, where he was as ill off 
as anywhere else for accommodation, as the enemy 
had brunt and demolished all there. All the six- 
teenth he stayed there, and set out at night and 
arrived the seventeenth at a place called Glencamger 
[Camgharaidh], in the head of Locharkaig, where he 
found Cluny and Doctor Cameron, who had prepared 
for him, expecting him. . . . And when he and his 
company arrived, there was a cow kill'd, on which 
bannock and beef his royal highnes with his whole 
retinue were regalled and feasted plentifully that 
night. On the eighteenth he set out from Glen- 
camger with daylight, and upon the nineteenth 
arrived at the shipping, what was extant of the 
Glencamger bonnacks and beef having been all the 
provisions till then. 








September 20-29. 

Lockhart Papers^ ii. 562. 

The P[rince] being now informed that the French 
ships were in Lochnanuagh waiting for him, set out 
immediately, accompanied by Lochiel, Lochgarie, 
John Roy Stewart, etc., and going on board the 
Happy^ privateer of St. Maloes, she immediately 
set sail the twentieth of September, and escaping 
all the Government's warships, and being in her way 
happily favoured by a fog, he arrived safely in 
France ; an unparallel'd instance, upon a review of 
all the circumstances of this escape, of a very par- 
ticular Providence interesting itself in his behalf. 
For what wise end Heaven has thus dissapointed 
and yet preserved this noble prince, and what future 
scenes the history of his life may display, time only 
can tell ; yet something very remarkable still seems 
waiting him and this poor country also. May God 
grant a happy issue. 

Scots Magazine^ i749. P» 639. 

They landed safely at Roscou [Roscoff], near three 
leagues west of Morlaix, on the 29th of the same 
month, after a pleasant voyage ; tho' narrowly 
escaping Adm[iral] Lestock's squadron, which was 
then on the coast of Bretagne [Brittany]. . 

October 1746. Lockhart Papers^ ii. 565. 

Intelligence was no sooner brought to Versailles 

1 Cf, Blaikie, Itinerary, 102. 


that the young Chevalier de S* George was landed 
. . . than the Castle of S^ Antoine was ordered to 
be prepared for his reception, and his brother,^ 
accompanied by several young noblemen, went to 
meet him, and conducted him directly to Versailles, 
he not causing to stop at Paris for any refreshment. 
The King of France, Louis the fifteenth, immediately 
quitting the Council, which was sitting on affairs of 
moment, went to receive him, and as he advanced, 
took him in his arms with every mark of tender 
affection, and said, * Mon trh cher Prince^ je rends 
grace au Ciel qui nie donne le plaisir exirime de vous 
voir arrivk en bonne santi aprh tant de fatigues et de 
dangers, Vous avez fait voir que toutes ies grandes 
quaiites des Jliros et des Philosophes se trouvent unies 
en vous ; etfespere qu^un de ces jours vous recevrez la 
recompense d^un merite si extraordinaire,^ 

After a quarter of an hour's conversation with the 
King, the young Chevalier passed to the apartments 
of the Queen, who welcomed him with every demon- 
stration of good will and satisfaction ; and as he 
quitted the palace, the whole Court crowded about 
him to pay their compliments, and testified as much 
joy as if the Dauphin himself had been engaged in 
the same dangerous expedition and returned in 
safety. . • . 

The little visit he had made at Versailles being as 
it were incog,^ it was necessary he should pay his 

1 A letter from Charles to his brother, announcing his arrival, 
is in Mahon, The Forty-Five^ 156. 


compliments in form and in the character his father 
had conferred upon him, which was that of Prince- 
Regent of England, Scotland, and Ireland ; accord- 
ingly about ten days after, he set out from the 
Castle of S^ Antoine in the following manner. In 
the first coach were the Lords Ogilvy and Elcho, 
the venerable Glenbucket, and Mr. Kelly, the young 
Chevalier's secretary. In the second were the young 
Chevalier himself, Lord Lewis Gordon, and the 
eldest Locheil as master of the horse; two pages 
richly dressed lolled on the boot, and ten footmen, 
in the livery of the character assumed by the young 
Chevalier, walked on each side. In the third coach 
were four gentlemen of his bed chamber, one of 
whom, called Captain Stafford, had some time since 
been a prisoner in Newgate. The young Locheil 
with several gentlemen followed on horseback, 
making a grand appearance altogether, but the 
young Chevalier himself took off my attention from 
every thing besides. I shall say nothing of his 
person, and only tell you that he did not entirely 
trust to the graces it received from nature for 
attracting admiration, for his dress had in it, I 
thought, somewhat of uncommon elegance. His 
coat was rose-coloured velvet embroidered with 
silver and lined with silver tissue; his waistcoat 
was a rich gold brocade, with a spangled fringe set 
on in scollops. The cockade in his hat, and the 
buckles of his shoes were diamonds; the George 
which he wore at his bosom, and the order of S^ 


Andrew which he wore also, tied by a piece of 
green ribbon to one of the buttons of his waistcoat, 
were prodigiously illustrated with large brilliants ; in 
short, he glittered all over like the star which they 
tell you appeared at his nativity. 


In its external aspect the Rising was a farther and the 
Anal expression of the * Ancient League/ that traditional 
Franco-Scottish entente which Scotland had invited against 
the English Plantagenets, which the Covenanters had faintly 
endeavoured to revive against the English Stuarts, and since 
the Revolution, the Jacobites had courted against the English 
Guelphs. Prince Charles's Battering reception at Versailles 
gave hopes of its continuance. But two years later, the Treaty 
of Aix-la-Chapelle bound France to abandon her championship 
of the exiled Stuarts. In December 1748 Prince Charles was 
ejected from French territory ; and that event, while it removed 
the main prop on which the fabric of his party's hopes had rested, 
terminated a hostile combination, which, since the late thirteenth 
century, had threatened the solidarity of the British realm. 

In another direction the Rising marked off the past of 
Scotland from her future. During Charles's wanderings after 
Culloden his loyal-hearted followers had been given up to 
Cumberland's vengeance. Their attempt to rally at Ruthven 
on April 19, 1746, had been followed by an equally abortive 
effort at Muirlaggan on May 8. Thereafter the Highlanders 
scattered to their homes. Punitive expeditions swept their 
glens. English gaols were filled with Jacobite prisoners, and 
many — Lords Lovat, Balmerino and Kilmarnock among them 
— were condemned to the scaffold. The vengeance exacted 
expressed the Government's measure of the danger which 



had confronted it. Within the bounds of Britain the High- 
lands had maintained an independent and oftentimes threat- 
ening Celticism. Centuries before, English influence and 
institutions had found a footing in, and had spread over the 
Lowlands of Scotland. The Highlands now experienced a 
similar fate. Peremptorily and conclusively the Anglicising of 
the Clan districts was pushed forward. Of the methods em- 
ployed and the results they secured let one speak, who, bom 
less than a generation after the Rising, is a link between it and 
the new Scotland which it ushered in ^ : — 

' There is no European nation, which, within the course of 
half a century, or little more, has undergone so complete a 
change as this kingdom of Scotland. The effects of the 
insurrection of 1745 — the destruction of the patriarchal power 
of the Highland chiefs — the abolition of the heritable jurisdic- 
dictions of the Lowland nobility and barons — the total eradi- 
cation of the Jacobite party, which, averse to intermingle with 
the English, or adopt their customs, long continued to pride 
themselves upon maintaining ancient Scottish manners and 
customs, commenced this innovation. The gradual influx 
of wealth, and extension of commerce, have since united to 
render the present people of Scotland a class of beings as 
different from their grandfathers, as the existing English are 
from those of Queen Elizabeth's time. . . . But the change, 
though steadily and rapidly progressive, has, nevertheless, 
been gradual ; and, like those who drift down the stream of a 
deep and smooth river, we are not aware of the progress we 
have made until we fix our eye on the now-distant point from 
which we have been drifted. Such of the present generation 
as can recollect the last twenty or twenty-five years of the 
eighteenth century, will be fully sensible of the truth of this 
statement ; especially if their acquaintance and connexions 
lay among those who, in my younger time, were facetiously 
called "folks of the old leaven," who still cherished a linger- 

1 Sir Walter Scott (b. 1771), WaverUy, chap. xlii. 


ing, though hopeless attachment, to the house of Stuart. 
This race has now almost entirely vanished from the land, 
and with it, doubtless, much absurd political prejudice; but 
also, many living examples of singular and disinterested attach- 
ment to the principles of loyalty which they received from 
their fathers, and of old Scottish faith, hospitality, worth, and 


to Jacobite History, 1689-1788, and in particular 
to the Jacobite Risings. 

Note. — In this Bibliography Section I. includes works which 
are either contemporary or contain collections and Appendices of 
original materials. Section 1 1, is devoted to contemporary materials 
which are still in manuscript or have been but partially edited. 
Section III. contains non-contemporary works. 

Throughout the Bibliography works are, whenever possible, 
entered under their author^s name. Collections of original docu- 
ments which have been edited for Clubs, Societies, etc., are entered 
under their subject ^ except when the miscellaneous nature of their 
contents precludes distinct classification, in which case each work 
is entered under its editor's name. Anonymous works are classi- 
fied under their stibject» 

At the end of the volume is an Index in which the works con- 
tained in the several sections of the Bibliography are classified 
under their subjects. 

Such works as may be familiar rather by their title than from 
association with their author's or editor's name — e.g. The Lyon 
in Mourning; Jacobite Memoirs — are entered in the Index 
under their titUy with a reference to thejur place in the Biblio- 


AtMrdaen. Address of the episcopal clergy of Aberdeen to the 
Pretender, with some remarks thereon. [Aberdeen. 




At>erdMiL The address of the majestrates and Town Council of 
Aberdeen to the Pretender, with remarks upon the 
said address. [Aberdeen. 17 15?] 

The above Addresses are also printed on pp, 147, 150 
of • A collection of original letters,' [Vide Bebellion.] 

Address of the Principal and masters of the Marischal 

College to the Pretender. [Aberdeen. 171$?] 

Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of 

Aberdeen, 1643- 1747. Burgh Records Society. Edin. 

Extracts illustrating Aberdeen's cUtitude in the '15 
and '45 are onpp, 351 et seq., 373-79- 

A short memorandum of quhat heath occurred in 

Aberdeen since XX. September mdccxv. Edin. 1837. 

A brief contemporary diary of affairs in Aberdeen^ 
September 20- October 21, 1 7 1 5. 

Agnew, Sir Andrew. The hereditary Sheriffs of Galloway, their 
'forbears' and friends, their courts and customs of 
their times. 2 vols. Edin. 1893. 

Chaps. xU'Xlviu relcUe to the Jacobite period, 

Alfleri, Vittorio. Vita di Vittorio Alfieri da Asti, scritta da esso. 
2 vols. Lond. 1804. 

Printed also in vol, xxvi, of Jean F, Barrih^e's 
* Bibliothique des mimoires relatifs it thistoirede France 
pendant le iSme sihle,* [Paris, 1846 .] 

Allardyce, Colonel James. Historical papers relating to the 
Jacobite period, 1699- 1750. New Spalding Club. 
2 vols. Aberdeen. 1895, 9^* 

In vol, i, are the correspondence of the Earl of Mar 
and documents relating to the '15; Reports on the 
Highlands t by Marshal Wade and Duncan Forbes; 
extracts from the Burgh records of Aberdeen reletting to 
the'i$ and '4$ ; contemporary narratives of the military 
operations in 1745-46; an account of the proceedings of 


the Highlanders at Derby in 1745, etc. Vol, ii. contains 
depositions of witnesses against Jacobite prisoners in 
1746 ; an account of the battle of CuHoden^ etc. 

Allardyee, Colonel James. The Strachans of Glenkindie, 1357- 
1726. Aberdeen. 1899. 

A Memorial of PcUrick Strachany who was made 
prisoner at Sheriffmuir^ is on pp, 40-42. 

Andenon, Peter J. Records of the Aberdeen Universities 
Commission, 1716-17. Aberdeen. 1900. 

Reports on the visitations of the University after 
the '15. 

Antiquaries of BeoUand. Transactions of the Society. Vol. i. 
Edin. 1792. 

The Countess of NithsdaU^s account of the Earts 
escape from the Tower in ly 16 is on pp. 523-38. 

Arbutbnot, Archibald. The life, adventures, and many and 
great vicissitudes of fortune of Simon, Lord Lovat, 
from his birth till the time of his being taken on the 
coasts of Knoidart and Arisaig. Lond. 1746. 

Argenson, Marquis d'. Memoires du Marquis d*Argenson, 
ministre sous Louis XV. Paris. 1821. 

Memoires et journal in^it du Marquis d'Argenson, 

ministre des affaires ^trangeres sous Louis xv. 4 vols. 
Paris. 1857-58. 

Le prison du Prince Charles Edouard Stuart, 1749, 

par le Marquis d'Argenson. 

A tragedy in imitation of Shakespeare ^ in part printed 
in the ' Revue cChistoire diplomcUique^ 1891, /. 553. 

Asgill, John. The history of the three Pretenders to the Crow n 
of England. Lond. 1714. 

Lambert Simnel. Perkin Warbeck. Chevalier de 
St, George. 


Atboll. Jacobite correspondence of the Atholl family during 
the Rebellion, mdccxlv.-mdccxlvi. Abbotsford 
Club. Edin. 1840. 

Contains the correspondence of Lord Tullibardine^ 
the Jacobite Duke of Atholl^ August 1745 ^^ April ij ^6, 
Letters of Lord George Murray and Lord Lovat are 
also included, 

Atterbnry, Bishop Francis. The epistolary correspondence, 
visitation charges, speeches and miscellanies of Francis 
Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester. Ed. J. Nichols, 
5 vols. Lond. 1783-90. 

Memoirs and correspondence of Francis Atterbury. 

Compiled chiefly from the Atterbury and Stuart papers. 
£d. F. Williams. 2 vols. Lond. 1869. 

Baillie, George. Correspondence of George Baillie of Jervis- 
wood, MDCCii.-MDCCViii. Bannatyne Club. Edin. 

Illustrates the political factions in Scotland in the 

Baloarrea, Earl of. Memoirs touching the Revolution in 
Scotland. Presented to King James 1 1, at St. Germains, 
MDCXC. Bannatyne Club. Edin. 1841. 
Relates to the period 1688-90. 

Balmerino, Lord. True copies of the dying declarations of 
Arthur, Lord Balmerino, Thomas Sydall, D. Morgan, 
g! Fletcher, I. Berwick, T. T. Deacon, T. Chadwick, 
L. Dawson, A. BIyde, D. Macdonald, T. Coppoch, 
R. Lyon, E. Clavering, J. Hamilton, J. Bradshaw, 
A. Leith, and A. Wood. Edin. 1750. 

All of them were arraigned for their share in the '45, 

The life of Arthur, Lord Balmerino. Lond. 1746. 

Biggs, William. The military history of Europe, from the com- 
mencement of the war with Spain in 1739, to the 
treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748. Lond. 1755. 
Contains an * impartial history ' of the '45. 


Bisset, Andrew. Memoirs and papers of Sir Andrew Mitchell. 
2 vols. Lond. 1850. 

Mitchell was Under' Secretary of State for Scotland 
from 1742 to 1747. 

Bisset, John. Diary of the Reverend John Bisset, mdccxlv.- 


Extracts are printed in the * Spalding Club Miscel- 
lany ^ vol, i. 347-98. The writer was one of the 
ministers of St. Nicholas, Aberdeen, from 1728 to 17 S^' 
The printed letters and diary extend from September 6, 
1745 l<* J*''ly 3» 1746. The remainder of the diary is 
still in MS, 

BlaUcie» Walter 6. Itinerary of Prince Charles Edward Stuart. 
Scottish History Society. Edin. 1897. 

An exhaustive diary of the movements of the Prince, 
his army and his opponents in 1745-46. Contains also 
letters of the Prince and Lord George Murray ; extracts 
from Neil Maceachain^s * Narrative* of the Princess 
wanderings ; and Lochgarr^s * MemoricU^ regarding 
the '45. 

Blair Oastle. An original and genuine narrative of the re- 
markable blockade of Blair Castle, by a subaltern 
officer who served in the defence. 

In * Scots Magazine,* 1808, p, 330. By Ensign, 
afterwards General, Melville. Relates to Murray's 
attack on the Castle in 1746. It is also in Agnew*s 
* Sheriffs of Galloway, ' 

Blakeney, General. Memoirs of the life and actions of General 
William Blakeney. Lond. 1757. 

Bolingbroke, Viscount. The Articles against the late Lord 

B ke sent from London, March 16, 17 16, by the 

agents of the P r, in relation to the affairs of Scot- 
land during the Rebellion of the late Earl of Mar. 
Lond. 1735. 


Bolinffbroke, Viscount. Letters and correspondence, public and 
private, of Lord Bolingbroke. 7 vols. Lond. 1754-98. 

M^moires secrets de Mylord Bolingbroke sur les 

affaires d'Angleterre depuis 1 7 10 jusqu'en 17 16, et 
plasieurs intrigues k la Cour de France. Ecrits par 
lui*m^me en 17 17, adress^s en forme de lettre au 
Chevalier Windham. £d. Jean L. Favier. 2 pts. 
Lond. 1754. 

Lettres historiques, politiques, philosophiques, et 

particuli^res de Henri Saint-John, Lord Vicomte 
Bolingbroke, depuis 1710 jusqu'en 1736. Ed. Comte 
Philippe H. de Grimoard. 3 vols. Paris. 1808. 

Boyer, Abel. The history of the reign of Queen Anne, digested 
into annals. 11 vols. Lond. 1703-13. 

The history of Queen Anne, wherein all the civil and 

military transactions of that reign are impartially re- 
lated. The whole intermixed with several authentick 
and remarkable papers. Lond. 1735. 

— — Quadriennium Annae postremum : or. The political 
state of Great Britain during the four last years of the 
late Queen's reign. [Lond.] 17 18- 19. 

Boyve, Samuel. An impartial history of the late Rebellion in 
1745. Reading. 1748. 

An historical review of the transactions of Europe. 

2 vols. Reading. 1747. 

Contains a considerable account of the '45 ^from 
authentic Memoirs; particularly the Journal of a 
General Officer^ and other original papers yet un- 
published, * 

Bradstreet, Dudley. The life and uncommon adventures of 
Capt. Dudley Bradstreet. Dublin. 1755. 

Bradstreet introduced himself as a spy into Prince 
Charleses Council at Derby, Vide art, * Bradstreet^ 
Dudley ^^ in ^ Diet, Nat, Biography,'^ 


BrosMB, Charles de. L'ltalie il y a cent ans: ou, Lettres 
^crites d'ltalie en 1739 et 1740. Paris. 1836. 

Letter xl, gives a considerable account of the Court 
of the Chevalier de St. George at Rome in 1739-40. 

Browne, James. A history of the Highlands and of the High- 
land Clans. 4 vols. Glasgow. 1838. 

Vols, Hi, and iv, contain a large quantity of docu- 
ments from the Stuart Papers at Windsor which 
illustrate the fortunes of the Jacobite party from 1745 
to 1759. 

Bnmet, Gilbert. History of his own time. 2 vols. Oxford. 

1724* 34- 
Extends from 1 660 /<> 1713. 

Burt, Edward. Letters from a gentleman in the North of 
Scotland. Fifth edit. 2 vols. Lond. 1818. 

Describes the state of the Highlands about 1730. 
Contains extracts from the Gartmore MS, on the 
* Causes which facilitate the rise and progress of 
Rebellions and Insurrections in the Highlands of 
Scotland* ; Reports from Marshal Wade and others on 
the state of the Highlands y 1724-25. First edit. 1754. 

Burton, John. A genuine and true journal of the most miracu- 
lous escape of the Young Chevalier, from the battle of 
Culloden to his landing in France : taken from the 
mouths and journals of the very persons who assisted 
him therein. I^nd. 1749. 

Bjrrom, John. The private journal and literary remains 
of John Byrom. Ed. Richard Parkinson. Chetham 
Society. 2 vols. Manchester. 1854-57. 

Vol, ii, contains an account of Prince Charles's 
arrival and stay in Manchester in 1745* 

Oalderwood, Margaret. Coltness collections, 1608- 1840. Ed. 
J. Dennistoun. Maitland Club. Edin. 1842. 


Oalderwood, Margaret. Letters and Journals of Mrs. Calder- 
wood of Polton. Ed. Alexander Fergusson. Edin. 

Vide art, *• Calderwoody Margaret,'^ in * Diet, Nat. 
Biography. ' 

Oameron, Dr. Archibald. An historical account of the life, 
actions, and conduct of Dr. Archibald Cameron. 
Lond. 1753. 

The life of Doctor Archibald Cameron : containing the 

reasons which induc'd the Doctor to list among the 
rebels. With a print of Miss Jenny Cameron in a 
Highland dress. Lond. 1753. 

Campana de Carelll, Marquise. Les derniers Stuarts a 
Saint- Germain en Laye. Documents in^dits et 
authentiques puis^s aux archives publiques et priv^s. 
2 vols. Paris. 1 87 1. 

The documents, drawn from English and foreign 
archives^ extend from 1672 to 1689. 

Campbell, Alexander. An impartial history of the Rebellion 

in Scotland in the years 1745-6 ; to which is added a 

journal of the adventures and escape of the Young 

Chevalier after the battle of Culloden. Lond. [1820?] 

Includes ^ Ascanius: or, The Young Adventurer.^ 

Campbell, Robert. The life of the most illustrious Prince John, 
Duke of Argyle and Greenwich. Lond. 1745. 
The Duke suppressed the Rising of iyi$. 

Cappoch, Thomas. An authentic history of the life and 
character of Thomas Cappoch, the rebel-bishop of 
Carlisle. Lond. 1746. 

The genuine dying speech of the Rev. parson Coppock, 

pretended Bishop of Carlisle. Carlisle. [1746.] 

Carlyle, Alexander. Autobiography of the Reverend Dr. 
Alexander Carlyle, minister of Inveresk, containing 


memorials of the men and events of his time. E>lin. 
and Lond. i860. 

Covers the period 1722-70. Chap. Hi, has personal 
reminiscences of the '45. 

Carpenter, Lord. The life of the Right Honourable George, 
Lord Carpenter. Lond. 1736. 

Carpenter forced the capitulaiion of Forster^s army 
at Preston in the '15. His account of that event is on 
pp. 22-32. 

Oarstares, William. State papers and letters addressed to 
William Carstares, confidential Secretary to King 
William during the whole of his reign. Ed. Joseph 
M*Cormick. Edin. 1774. 

Important for Scottish affairs to 1 7 1 1 . 

Cartwrlght, James J. The Wentworth papers, 1705- 1739. 
Lond. 1883. 
Vide title ^Pretender ' in hidex. 

Chambers, Robert. Jacobite memoirs of the Rebellion of 1745. 
Edin. and Lond. 1834. 

Mainly excerpts from * The Lyon in Mourning.'* 
[Vide Forbes, Bishop.] Contains also Lord George 
Murray* s * Marches of the Highland Army^ and Ker 
of Graden^s account of Culloden, 

Charles Edward Stuart, Count of Albany. Alexis : or, The 
Young Adventurer. A novel. Lond. 1746. 

Describes Prince Charleys wanderings after Culloden, 

Ascanius : or. The Young Adventurer ; a true history. 

Translated from a manuscript privately handed about 
at the Court of Versailles. Containing a particular 
account of all that happen*d to a certain person during 
his wanderings in the North from August 1745 to his 
final escape, September 19, in the following year. 
Lond. 1746. 

The Edin. edition of iSo^. has a somewhat different 
title and quaint woodcuts. 


Obarles Edward Stuart. An authentick account of the conduct 
of the Young Chevalier, from his first arrival in Paris 
after his defeat at CuUoden to the conclusion of the 
peace at Aix-la-Chapelle. Lond. 1749. 

The account is also printed in ^ Lockharl Papers y 
vol. ii. 567. 

The book of the lamentations of Charles, the son of 

James, for the loss of the battle of Culloden. Edin. 

The chronicle of Charles the young man. n.p. n.d. 

Copy of a letter from a French lady at Paris. Giving 

a particular account of the manner in which Prince 
Edward was arrested. Lond. i749> 

Describes Prince Charleses expulsion from France in 
1748. The account is also printed in ' Lockhart 
Papers,'' vol, ii, 574. 

A full collection of all poems upon Charles, Prince of 

Wales, published since his arrival in Edinburgh, the 
17th day of September, till the 1st of November, 1745. 
[Edin.?] 1745. 

A full collection of all the proclamations and orders 

published by the authority of Charles, Prince of Wales, 
since his arrival in Edinburgh, the 17th day of Sep- 
tember, till the 15th of October 1745. 2 pts. Glasgow. 
1745, 46. 

A conference lately held betwixt H — G — g, Esq., 

and a certain E — h L — d at A — n in pursuit of his 
travels through Europe, relating to a great but un- 
fortunate P . n.p. 1750. 

Detail authentique des malheurs et de la fuite du 

Prince Charles Edouard dans les Hebrides. Paris. 

A familiar, instructive dialogue which happened last 

week at a tavern near the Royal Exchange, between an 


eminent merchant of Dunkirk and an English Member 
of Parliament. By a citizen of London. Lond. 1748. 

OharleB Edward Stuart. A remarkable dialogue which lately 
happened in the gardens of the Luxembourg at Paris, 
between an old impartial Whig and a nonjuror of the 
Church of England concerning the Young Chevalier. 
Edin. 1748. 

' Geschichte des Englischen Kron-Pratendentens und 

der jetzigen grossen Rebellion in Schott-und Enge- 
land, unpartheyisch beschrieben und mit nothigen 
anmerkungen erlautert. [Leipzig?] 1746. 

Istoria di sua Altezza Reale il Principe Carlo Odoardo 

Stuart di Galles, concemente le awenture et le dis- 
grazie accaduteli in Scozia I'anno 1746. Milano. 

Journal of the marches of the Prince Regent's army, 

from the time they entered England, till their return 
to Scotland. [Edin. ?] 1745. 

A diary and ititierary of the march to and from 
Derby in 1745. It is also in Allardyce^ * Historical 
Papers i^ vol, i, 283. 

A letter to a gentleman in England from one in the 

Prince's army. [Lond. 1745?] 

Memoria istorica per Tanno 1744. L*evasione da 

Roma di S. A. R. il Principe di Galles. [Roma. 


— — A plain authentick and faithful narrative of the several 
passages of the Young Chevalier from the battle of 
CuUoden to his embarkation for France. Lond. 1750. 

The Scotch adventure : or, A narrative of a rover 

extraordinary, n.p. 1746. 

The wanderer: or. Surprizing escape. A narrative 

'founded on true facts. Lond. 1747. 


Charles Edward Stuart. The Young Chevalier : or, A genuine 
narrative of all that befell that unfortunate adventurer^ 
from his fatal defeat to his final escape. Lond. [1746?] 

— Young Juba : or, The history of the Young Chevalier, 
from his birth to his escape from Scotland after the 
battle of CuUoden. Lond. 1748. 

Olarexidoii Historloal Society. Reprints. First series. Edin. 

Include * A brief discovery of the true mother of the 
pretended Prince of Wales, known by the name of Mary 
Grey * [Lond. 1696] \^ A letter from an English 
traveller at Rome to his father^ [1721], describing the 
Court of the Chevalier; * A King and no King: or. 
The best argument for a Just title^ [Lond, 17 16]; 

* The Rebellion of 171$,' being extracts from the 

* Mercuries ^ for 1 7 1 5- 1 6. 

Dialogue between a Whig and a Jacobite upon the 

subject of the late Rebellion, 1 7 15- 16. Edin. 1885. 

Clarke, James S. The life of King James the Second, collected 
out of memoirs writ of his own hand. 2 vols. Lond. 

Edited from the original Stuart MSS, at Carlton 

Clerk, Sir John. Memoirs of the life of Sir John Clerk of 
Penicuik. Ed. John M. Gray. Scottish History Society. 
Edin. 1892. 

Sir John* s ctccounts of the * i^ and \^ are on pp. 
87-95, 176-205. 

Codirane, Andrew. The Cochrane correspondence regarding 
the affairs of Glasgow, mdccxlv.-vi. Ed. James 
Dennistoun. Maitland Club. Glasgow. 1836. 
Andrew Cochrane was Provost of Glasgow in 1745. 

Cope, Sir John. The report of the proceedings and opinion of 


the Board of General Officers on their examination 
into the conduct of Sir John Cope. Lond. 1749. 

Contains full details of Copers campaign in 1745. 
His correspondence and other original documents are 

Cordara, Giulio C. La spedizione di Carlo Odoardo Stuart 
negli anni 1743-46, descritta latinamente nel 175 1 dal 
Gesuita Giulio Cordara. Milano. 1845. 

A notice of this work is in ' Quarterly Review,^ vol* 
Ixxix. 141. 

CriclLton, Andrew. The life and diary of Lieut. Col. J. 
Blackader. Edin. 1824. 

The Colonel served in the Glasgow regiment raised in 
the '15. His short diary of that period is in chap, xix. 

Cnlloden. An authentic account of the battle fought between 
the army under His Royal Highness the Duke of 
Cumberland, and the rebels, on Drummossie Muir, 
near CuUoden. [Lond. ?] 1746. 

A particular account of the battle of CuUoden. In a 

letter from an officer of the Highland army to his friend 
in London. Lond. 1749. 

The cucount is by Lord George Murray, 

CuUoden papers : comprising an extensive and interest- 
ing correspondence from the year 1625 to 1748, Lond. 

Includes the correspondence of Lord President Duncan 
Forbes and much of Lord LwcU^s during the period of 
the two Risings, 

Dalrymple, Sir David. Memorial concerning the state of the 
prisoners on account of the late Rebellion. Edin. 

J}alX7Xnple, Sir John. Mexnoirs of Great Britain and Ireland. 
2 vols. Edin. and Lond. 1771-88. 
Deals with thfi R^volutiim period. Vol, ii. contains 


a large collection of letters ^ etc, , relating to the period 
1 669- 1 694. 

Dangeau, Marquis de. Journal du Marquis de Dangeau, 
avec les additions inedites du Due de Saint-Simon. 
Ed. F^lix S. Feuillet de Conches. 19 vols. Paris. 

Illustrates the dealings of the Jacobite party with the 
French Court, 1684- 1720. 

Defoe, Daniel. The history of the Union of Great Britain. 
Edin. 1709. 

•" Daniel Defoe : his life and recently discovered writings, 

extending from 17 16 to 1729. Ed. William Lee. 
3 vols. Lond. 1869. 

Defoe visited Scotland in 1706 and ly 10 in Harley's 
employ » His letters are in ^Historical MSS, Com- 
mission,* Rept, XV, Ft, iv, Cf. article * The relations 
of Defoe and Hurley ' in * English Historical Review, ' 
April 1900. 

DenniBtoun, James. The Loch Lomond expedition, mdccxv. 
Reprinted and illustrated from original documents. 
Glasgow. 1834. 

The narrative {written at Dumbarton, October 15, 
1715) describes the expedition against Rob Roy and 
the Macgregors, October 11-14, ^T^S* Extracts from^ 
the contemporary Burgh records of Dumbarton are in 
an Appendix, 

Memoirs of Sir Robert Strange, Knt. , and of Andrew 

Lumisden. 2 vols. Lond. 1855. 

Sir Robert gives an account of Culloden and its pre- 
liminaries, Lumisden was Secretary to Prince Charles 
and his father. Much of his correspondence is here 

Dvtby, A plain, general and authentick account of the 
conduct and proceedings of the rebels during their 


stay at Derby, from Wednesday the fourth, till Friday 
morning the sixth of December 1745. Derby. 1745. 

Vide ^Proceedings Soc. Antiq, of Lotuion,' secotui 
series, vol. Hi, 118. Cf. Marchant, ^History of the 
present Rebellion,^ 201 ; ^GentlematCs Magazine,^ I745» 
/. 708 ; Aliardyce, * Historical. Papers, voL i, 287, for 
other accounts. 

Derwentwater, Earl of. The whole proceeding to judgement 
upon the articles of impeachment of High Treason 
exhibited against James Earl of Derwentwater, William 
Lord Widdrington, William Earl of Nithisdale, Robert 
Earl of Carnwath, William Viscount Kenmure, and 
William Lord Nairn, on the ninth day of February 
1715. Lond. 1716. 

Doddridge, Philip. Some remarkable passages in the life of 
Colonel James Gardiner. Lond. 1747. 

Has an account of Gardiftet's death at Prestonpans. 

Douglas, Francis. The history of the Rebellion in 1745 and 
1 746. Aberdeen. 1755. 
Extracted from the * Scots Magazine \for 1745-46. 

Douglass, Robert. Some account of the melancholy situation 
of the Young Pretender in Scotland, after his defeat 
near Inverness. Lond. [1746.] 

Dmxnmond, John. Memoirs of Sir Ewen Cameron of Locheill, 
Chief of the Clan Cameron. Abbotsford Club. Edin. 

Sir Ewen^s life covered the period 1629- 17 19. He 
fought for Charles the First, and also, with Dundee, for 
James the Seventh. At p. 377 is a ^ Memoir concerning 
the staie of the Highlands in 1716,' ascribed to Simon, 
Lord Lavat, 

Dubois, Cardinal. M^moires secrets et correspondance in^dite 
du Cardinal Dubois. Ed. Charles L. de Sevelinges» 
2 vols. Paris. 181 5. 



Illustrates the relations between France afid the 
Chevalier de St, George, Vol, i. contains a * Notice 
sur le Chevalier de Saint-Georges, with original 

Ihl Deffuid, Marquise. Correspondance complete de la Mar- 
quise du DefiBuid ; pr^ced^e d'une histoire de sa vie, 
de son^salon, de ses amis.' 2 vols. Paris. 1865. 

Dunbar, £. Dunbar. Social life in former days. Edin. 1865. 

Appendices xxxviii, andxxxix, contain a large number 

oflettersy etc, relating to the Risings o/iyi^ and 1745, 

from the muniments of the Dunbar y Gordon Gumming^ 

and Stewart families, 

Dundee. Charters, writs, and public documents of the royal 
Burghof Dundee, 1292-1880. Dundee. 1880. 

Documents relating to Dundee jin M^ '15 are onpp, 
136 et seq. 

Dundee, Viscount. Memoirs of the Lord Viscount Dundee, 
the Highland- Clans, and the Massacre of Glenco : with 
an account of Dundee's officers after they went to 
France* By an officer of the army. Lond. 171 1. 

Letters of John Grahame of Claverhouse, Viscount 

Dundee, with illustrative documents. £d. George 
Smythe. Bannatyne Club. Edin. 1826. 

Dunkeld. The exact narrative of the conflict at Dunkeld, 
betwixt the E^rl of Angus's raiment and the rebels. 
Edin. 1689. 

Another cucount is in Frasery * Mebtilles of Melville,^ 
vol, ii, 120-21. - 

Dnrey de Morgan, Joseph M. Plistoire du Pr^lendant. Les 
revers et les disgraces du Prince Charles-Edouard Stuart 
en ^cosse. [Paris.] 1756. 
A pamphlet of^ pp, 

Bdlnburffb. Two letters from a gentlewoman near Edinburgh 
to her daughter in London, containing a narrative of 


what has passed in that city since the commencement 
of the present rebellion. Lond. 1745. 

EdlnbnrglL A few passages showing the sentiments of the 
Prince of Hesse and General Hawley with relation to 
the conduct, measures and behaviour of several persons 
in the city of Edinburgh. Lond. 1746. 

BguUleB, Marquis d'. Letters and despatches. 

In * Revue Ritrospectivey vols, iiu iv, [Parts, 1885- 
86.] The letters are between the dates October i, 1745, 
and December 14, 1747. They describe the Marquises 
adventures with Prince Charles, His account of the 
battle of Falkirk is printed Jn the * Scotsman,^ April 17, 
1900, and a letter regarding it is in Ibid. April 19, 

Mr, IV, B. Blaikie is engaged upon a translation of 
d^Eguilles's letters afid despatches, 

England. Parliamentary history of England. Vols. vii. xiii. 
xiv. Lond. 1811-12-13. 

Contain Parliamentary business relcUing to the '15 
and the '45. Cf. ^Journals of the House of Lords ^ and 

* Journals of the House of Commons, ' 

EBtcourt, Edgar £. ; and Payne, John O. The English 
Catholic nonjurors of 171 5. Being a summary of the 
register of their estates, with genealogical and other 
notes. Lond. 1886. 

Falkirk. The battle of Falkirk. Bannockbum. 1746. 

Fergnion, Gipt. Andrew. A genuine account of all the 
persons of note in Scotland who are now engaged in 
the service of the Chevalier. Lond. [1745 ?] 

Ferguson, Chancellor Richard S. The retreat of the High' 

landers through Westmorland in 1745. Kendal. 1889. 

A critical narrative of Clifton Skirmish in 1745, 

with original plans and documents ; reprinted from the 

* Trans, Cumbd. and Westd, Archaol, Soc,^vol,x, 186. 


Fletcher, Andrew, of Saltoun. The political works of Andrew 
Fletcher of Saltoun. Lond. 1737. 
Important especially for the Union in 1707. 

Forbes, Hon. Mrs. AthoU. Curiosities of a Scots Charta 
Chest, 1 600- 1 800. Edin. 1897. 

Contains the travels and memoranda of Sir Alex- 
ander Dick, whOf in chap, vii, , gives some account of 
the Stuart Court in Rome in 1736-37. 

Forbes, Bishop Robert. The Lyon in Mourning. Ed. Henry 
Paton. Scottish History Society. 3 vols. Edin. 

A collection of contemporary narrcUives, compiled 
by Bishop Robert Forbes, reletting to the *45, and 
especially to Prince Charleses adventures, April — 
September 1746. For Bishop Forbes, vide * Journals of 
the Episcopal visitations of the Right Rev, Robert 
Forbes,^ by J, B, Craven, [Lond, 1886.] 

A plain authentick and faithful narrative of the several 

passages of the Young Chevalier, from the battle of 
CuUoden to his embarkation for France. By Phila- 
lethes, i,e, Robert Forbes. Lond. 1765. 

Forbin, Claude, Comte de. M^moires du Comte de Forbin. 
2 vols. Amsterdam. 1730. 

Forbin commanded the fleet which conducted the 
Chevalier to Scotland in 1708. His ^ Mimoires"* in- 
clude his account of that enterprise. 

Ford, Thomas. An account of the behaviour of William, late 
Earl of Kilmarnock, and Arthur, late Lord Balmerino, 
from the time of their being delivered into the custody 
of the Sheriffs of London, to the time of their execu- 
tion. Lond. 1746. 

Foseolo, Niccolo Ugo. Lettere inedite di Ugo Foscolo e 
della Contessa d' Albany. Pisa. 1875. 


Foster, James. An account of the behaviour of the late Earl 
of Kilmarnock after his sentence, and on the day of his 
execution. Lond. 1746. 

Foster, Sir Michael. A Report of some proceedings on the 

Commission of Oyer and Terminer for the trial of the 

rebels in 1746, in the county of Surry. Oxford. 1762. 

The third edition [Land, 1792] contains new cases, 

by Michcul Dodson, 

Ttmw, James. A genuine narrative of the life, behaviour, and 
conduct of Simon, Lord Eraser of Lovat, from his birth 
to his execution. Lond. 1747. 

Fraser, Major. Major Eraser's Manuscript. Ed. Alexander 
Eergusson. 2 vols. Edin. 1889. 

Illustrates Lord Lovat'* s career before the '45. Char- 
acteristic letters of his are in Appendices, 

Fraser, Sir William. The Annandale family book. 2 vols. 
Edin. 1894. 

The correspondence of William , Marquis of Annan- 
daJe during the *I5 is in vol, ii, 254 et seq. 

The book of Carlaverock. 2 vols. Edin. 1873. 

A letter of Lord Nithsdale from the Tower and a 
long account by the Countess of Nithsdale of his escape 
therefrom are in vol, ii. 221 et seq. 

History of the Carnegies, Earls of Southesk. 2 vols. 

Edin. 1867. 

A list of Jacobite colours taken at Culloden and burnt 
at Edinburgh is in vol, ii, 455*57* 

The Chiefs of Colquhoun. 2 vols. Edin. 1869. 

The correspondence of Sir James Colquhoun of the 
*45 is in vol, i, 344 et seq. ; thcU of Robert Colquhoun 
of Camstradden is in vol, ii, 229-34. 

The Earls of Cromartie. 2 vols. Edin. 1876. 

Correspondence relating to the '45 is in vol, ii, 186 


et seq. ; Lord Lavat*s correspondence ^ 171 1-45, in 
vol, it. 281 et seq. ; Lord MackotCs narrative of the 
*45 in vol, ii* 379 et seq. 

FTaser, Sir William. The Chiefs of Grant. 3 vols. Edin. 

In vol, ii, 94, 144, are letters relating to the '15 atid 
the correspondence of Sir Ludovick Grant during the 
'45. Miscellaneous correspondence of Lord LovcU, 1 7 1 4- 
1746, is in vol, ii, 282-412. 

The Melvilles, Earls of Melville, and the Leslies, 

Earls of Leven. 3 vols. Edin. 1890. 

The correspofidence of George i Lord Melville^ Secretary 
of State for Scotland in 1689, is in vol, ii, 104 et seq. 

The red book of Menteith. 2 vols. Edin. 1880. 

Six Jcuobite letters^ 1720-46, including four of the 
Chevalier de St, George and Prince Charles^ are in 
vol, ii, 425-30. Letters of Clover house ^ 1679-82, are 
in vol. ii. 170 et seq. 

The Sutherland book. 3 vols. Edin. 1892. 

Letters from Lord Lovat relating to the '15 are in 
vol. ii. 206. Letters describing the bcUtle of Preston- 
pans, 1745, are in vol, ii, 255. 

Frederick n.. King of Prussia. Politische correspondenz 
Friedrich's des Grossen. Berlin. 1879-. 

General Aseembly. The principal Acts of the General 
Assembly of the Church of Scotland conveened at 
Edinburgh the 3d day of May 17 16. Edin. 1716. 

The Assembly* s congratulcttory culdress to George the 
First is on p. 15. 

The principal Acts of the General Assembly of the 

Church of Scotland conveened at Edinburgh the 8th 
day of May 1746. Edin. 1746. 

Congratulatory addresses and business relating to the 
Rising of *^^ are on pp. 9, 10, 13, 16. 


OenUeman'B Magarine, The. Vols. xv. xvi. Lond. 1745-46. 

Follows the progress of the contemporary Rising 

month by month in some detail. Has special articles 

on particular incidents and on Sir John Copers conduct, 

Gilbert, J. T. Narratives of the detention, liberation, and 
marriage of Maria Clementina Stuart. Dublin. 1894. 

Qladsmnir. A true and full account of the late bloody and 
desperate battle fought at Gladsmuir, betwixt the army 
under the command of Charles, Prince of Wales, etc, 
and that commanded by Lieutenant General Cope, on 
Saturday the 2ist September 1745. [Edin. 1745?] 

Olenooe. Authentic narrative of the massacre of Glencoe, 
contained in a Report of the Commission given by 
His Majesty. 
Reprinted in Maidment, ' Miscellanea Scotica,* vol. i. 

Gallienus Redivivus : or, Murther will out, etc. Being 

a true account of the De- Witting of Glencoe, Gafihey, 
etc. Edin. 1695. 
Reprinted by E, and G, Goldsmid, [Edin, 1885.] 

QlOYer, John H. The Stuart papers. Lond. and Edin. 1847. 
Contains Bishop Atterbury*s correspondence with the 
Chevalier de St, George y 1717-25. 

Glover, Richard. Memoirs by a celebrated literary and poli- 
tical character, from the resignation of Sir Robert 
Walpole in 1742, to Lord Chatham's second adminis- 
tration in 1757, containing strictures on some of the 
most distinguished men of that time. Lond. 1814. 

Ctordon, John. A collection of the several papers delivered by 
M' J. Gordon ; the Earl of Derwentwater ; V* Ken* 
mure ; Col. Oxburgh ; R. Gascoigne ; the Rd. M' 
Paul ; J. Hall ; J. Bruce ; J. Knox. To which is 
added, a letter to the Earl of Derwentwater. Lond« 


Gordon, Sir John.. Th.e correspondence of Sir John Gordon, 
on occasion of the Rebellion, autumn 1745 : containing 
some particulars of those times. Edin. 1835. 

A series of letters^ chiefly between Sir John, Lord 
Cromarty i Lord Macleod^ and Duncan ForbeSy August 
1745 ^ January 1746, relating to the progress of the 

Qrabam, Dougal. An impartial history of the rise, progress, 
and extinction of the late Rebellion in Britain in the 
years 1745 and 1746. Glasgow. 1774. 

A metrical account of the '45 by the Glasgow bellman. 
First edit, in 1746. 

QTabam, John M. Annals and correspondence of the Viscount 
and the first and second Earls of Stair. 2 vols. Edin. 


The correspondence printed in the Appendices extends 

from 171$ to 1747. 

Orant, William. The occasional writer : being an answer to 
the second manifesto of the Pretender's eldest son. 
Containing reflections upon the last Revolution, and 
the progress of the present Rebellion in Scotland. 
Lond. 1746. 

Orimm, Baron de. Correspondance litt^raire, philosophique, 
et critique, adress^ k un Souverain d'AUemagne, depuis 
I753jusqu'en 1790. 17 vols. Paris. 1813-14. 

QCOB de Bose, Claude. Demetrius Soter : ou, Le r^tablissement 
de la famille royale sur le thr6ne de Syrie. [Paris?] 

An allegory on Prince Charles^ s- pretensions, 

Grosart, Alexander B. The Towneley English Jacobite mss. 
Manchester. 1877. 

A collection of curious ballcuis, largely on the 
incidents of the* 1$ and '45. Htu also Prince Charleys 
English manifesto of October 10, 1745. 


Hardwlcke, Earl of. Miscellaneous State papers from 1501 
to 1726. 2 vols. Lond. 1778. 

Vol, it. contains papers relating to Lord Stair* s 
embassy to France in 17 14; and letters to hi tn from the 
Earl of Mar desiring a pardon from King George, 

Henderson, Andrew. The history of the Rebellion, 1745 ^^^ 
1746. Lond. 1753. 

There are two editions ofi'j^'^: one of'>fiOpp, ; the 
otherofyjopp.y with illustrcUions, 

The history of the Rebellion, 1745 and 1746, contain- 
ing all the declarations of the Pretender and the journal 
of his marches through England as published by him- 
self. Edin. 1748. 

The Lond, 1753 edit, is virtually a new work. 

The life of William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland. 

Containing a circumstantial and historical account of 
the times for the last forty-four years. Lond. 1766. 

Has a considerable account of the '45, and prints 
official documents and letters, 

The life of John, Earl Stair, with characters of the 

Young Chevalier and other persons. Lond. 1748. 

Memoirs of Field Marshal Leopold, Count Daun. 

Translated from a French manuscript, and interspersed 
with many curious anecdotes. Lond. 1757. 

Includes a ^full and particular account of Field 
Marshal Keith,* 

ILeiYBJt Lord. Memoirs of the reign of George the Second, 
from his accession, to the death of Queen Caroline. 
2 vols. Lond. 1848. 

Highlands. General Wade's roads in the Highlands from 
Stirling to Inverness, with the adjacent countries, n.p. 

The Highlander delineated : or. The character, customs, 

and manners of the Highlanders. Lond. 1745. 


Highland!. A memorial concerning the disorders of the High- 
lands, especially the northern parts thereof, and the Isles 
of Scotland. With an account of some means by which 
the same may be redressed and prevented. Eklin. 1703. 

Papers illustrative of the political condition of the 

Highlands of Scotland, from the year MDCLXXXix. to 
MDCXCVi. Maitland Club. Glasgow. 1845. 

A remonstrance of the gentlemen of the Highland 

Clans of Scotland to General Wade. n.p. 1725. 

Remarks on the people and government of Scotland, 

particularly the Highlanders : with a genuine account 
of the Highland regiment that was decoyed to London. 
Edin. 1747. 

Home, John. The history of the Rebellion in the year 1745. 
Lond. 1802. 

Home was taken prisoner at Falkirk, His Appendix 
includes correspondence between Lord Tweeddale and 
Lord Milton^ July 'September 1745 ; letters of Sir John 
Cope and Duncan Forbes \ statements by PcUulh^ 
Prince Charleses Muster- Master^ on incidents of the 
Rising*, Hay of Restalri^s notes on the retreats from 
Derby, Stirling, and Nairn ; Clunys accounts of Clifton 
Skirmish and his reception of Charles in his * Cage * 
after Culloden ; the address of the Chiefs to Charles 
after Falkirk, and their resolution at Muirlaggan after 
Culloden; Lord George Murray's narrcUive of his 
night-march to Nairn on the eve of Culloden ; Flora 
Macdonalds narrative ; extracts from the State Papers 
as to casualties at Falkirk and Culloden, 

Hooke, Nathaniel. Secret history of Colonel Hoocke's negocia- 
tions in Scotland in 1707. Being the original letters 
and papers which passed between the Scotch and Irish 
Lords and the Courts of Versailles and St. Germains. 
Edin. 1760. 

Has also accounts of the Jacobite cUtempt in 1 708, 


hy the Marichal de MaHgfwn and others^ and a narra- 
tive of the intrigues of Father Ambrose C^ Connor in 
Ireland y May — August 1708. 

Hooke, Nathaniel. Correspondence of Colonel Nathaniel 
Hooke, agent from the Court of France to the Scottish 
Jacobites, 1703 - 1707. Ed. William D. Macray. 
Roxburghe Club. 2 vols. Lond. 1870-71. 

Home, Sir David. A diary of the proceedings in the Parlia- 
ment and Privy Council of Scotland, May 21, mdcc. — 
March 7, MDCCVII. Bannatyne Club. Edin. 1828. 

Jamei Francis Stuart, Chevalier de St. George. ^Eneas and 
his two sons, a true portrait. Lond. [1746.] 

The oracle of Avignon : or, A new and true account of 

all the great actions and most remarkable occurrences 
of the life of the Pretender, from his first attempts in 
the world, down to the discovery of the late grand con- 
spiracy. Collected and digested from authentick 
memoirs. All delivered and expressed in the words of 
the antient Classicks ; no writer since the Augustan 
Age having been found who had a genius equal to the 
subject. Being a comico-prosaico-poetical Essay on 

the actions of this hero, by B H , his Poet- 

Laureat. Lond. 1723. 

Professes to report a conversation between the Cheva- 
lier and a youth named Jacobus FcUidicus as to the 
Chevalief^s chances of success in his pretension to the 
British Crown, 

— — Bishop Burnet's and Bp. Lloyd's accounts of the birth 
of the Pretender ; shewing strong grounds to suspect it 
to be a shameful imposture. Lond. 1745. 

The character of the Pretender. By his Secretary, the 

late Lord Bolingbroke. n.p. 1756. 

The Duke of Lorraine's letter to Her Majesty, contain- 
ing a description and character of the Pretender. To 


which is added, some reflections concerning his birth 
and pretences. Lond. 17 14. 

James Francis Stuart, Chevalier de St. George. An epistle to 
Sir Samuel Garth, occasioned by the landing of the 
Pretender, and the report of the Prince of Wales's going 
to Scotland. Lond. 17 16. 

A letter to his father from an English traveller at 

Rome. [Lond.] 1721. 

Describes the Chevaliet^s Court and aspirations, 

Memoirs of the Chevalier de St. George ; with some 

private passages of the life of the late King James ii., 
never before published. Lond. 17 12. 

Memorial of the Chevalier de St. George on occasion 

of the Princess Sobieski's retiring into a Nunnery ; and 
two original letters written by the Chevalier to the said 
Princess, to dissuade her from that design. Lond. 

Revolutions d'^cosse et dlrlande en 1707, 1708 et 

1709 ; ou, Pieces originales qui n*ont jamais ^te 
publi^es, et ou I'on d^couvre les intrigues les plus secretes 
du Chevalier de Saint George et de ses principaux par- 
tisans. 2 pts. La Haye. 175^* 

The secret history of the Chevalier de St. George, 

being an impartial account of his birth and pretences 
to the Crown of England. Lond. 17 14. 

Secret memoirs of Bar-le-Duc, from the death of Queen 

Anne to the present time. With an account of the 
late conspiracies for an invasion and rebellion in Great 
Britain. Dublin . 1 7 1 6. 

Jesse, John H. Memoirs of the Pretenders and their ad- 
herents. Lond. 1845. 

In vol. ii, is Lord Advocate Craigie*s correspondence^ 
June 1745 to April 1746. 

Jobnston, T. B. ; and Robertson, James A. Historical geo- 
graphy of the Clans of Scotland, with a narrative of 


the Highland campaigns. Ed. William K. Dickson. 
Lond. 1899. 

Prints Waders 1724 Report, and the Disarming Act 
Jobostone, James, Chevalier de. Memoirs of the Rebellion in 
1745 ^^^ 174^* Lond. 1820. 

The Chevalier was assistant Aide-de-camp to Prime 
Charles in the '45. 

Keith, Field- Marshal James. A fragment of a memoir of Field- 
Marshal James Keith, written by himself, 17 14- 1734. 
Spalding Club. Edin. 1843. 
Keith gives a short account of the ^i^ onpp, 7-33. 

A discourse on the death of Marshal Keith. Trans- 
lated from the French original published by Monsieur 
Formey. Edin. 1764. 

Kennet, White. A complete history of England, from the 
earliest account of time, to the death of his late Majesty 
King William iii. Lond. 1706. 

Ker, John. The memoirs of John Ker of Kersland, in North 
Britain, Esq. : containing his secret transactions and 
negotiations in Scotland, England, the Courts of 
Vienna, Hanover, and other foreign parts^ 3 pts. 
Lond. 1726-27. 
Ker acted as a government spy upon the Jacobites, 

Keysler, Johann G. Travels through Germany, Bohemia, 
Hungary, Switzerland, Italy, and Lorrain. 4 vols. 
Lond. 1756. 

Chap, xlviii, has an account of the Chtvalier de 
St^ George, whom Keysler saw at Rome about 1730. 

Xilmamock, Earl of. The life of William, Earl of Kil- 
marnock, from the time of his birth to that of his 
execution ; with the proceedings against him, his 
behaviour on and after his trial. Lond. 1746. 

-^— Memoirs of the lives and families of the Lords Kil- 
marnock, Cromertie, and Balmerino. Lond. 1746. 


Xiagy William. Political and literary anecdotes of his own 
times. Lond. 1819. 

An unfavourable criticism of Prince Charles^ whom 
King met in 1750, is on p. 196. The hook details facts 
and gossip regarding the Jacobite party after the '45. 

Klopp, Onno. Der Fall des Hauses Stuart und die Succession 
des Hauses Hannover in Gross-Britannien. 14 vols. 
Wien. 1875-88. 

Covers the period 1660- 17 14, and contains original 
documents from the Vienna archives. 

Correspondance de Leibniz avec I'Electrice Sophie. 

3 vols. Hannover. 1874. 

XlOBe, Carl L. Memoirs of Prince Charles Stuart, Count of 
Albany. 2 vols. Lond. 1845. 

The Appendices contain a letter of the Chevalier de 
St, George to one of his Scottish adherents^ dated 
March 1 1, 1743; extracts from contemporary pamphlets; 
and * Memoirs of Cardinal York,* 

Lang:, Andrew. The Highlands of Scotland in 1750. Edin. 
and Lond. 1898. 

This Report was written^ Mr, Lang conjectures^ by 
Brt4ce, who was employed by the Government to survey 
the Highlands after the '45. The writer offers also 
* some general observations concerning the late RebelHoUy 
and proposes remedied measures. 

Layer, Christopher. A faithful account of the life of Christopher 
Layer, from his birth to his execution for High Treason. 
Interspersed with several original papers. By a gentle- 
man of Norwich, his schoolfellow. Lond. 1723^ 

A Report from the Committee appointed by order of 

the House of Commons to examine Christopher Layer 
and others, reported on the first of March 1722. 
Lond. 1722. 
Layer visited the Chevalier de St, George in 172 1 to 


propound a scheme for his restorcUion, Vide art, 
* Layer y Christophery in ^ Diet. Nat, Biography,* 

Leslie, Charles. A letter from M*^ Lesly to a Member of 
Parliament in London. [Lond. 1714.] 

Contains an account of the Chevalier de St. George^ 
and asserts his toleration towards the Protestant Church 
of England. 

Loch AlBh. A true and particular account of the engagement 
at Lochilsh, the 29th August 1722, betwixt Captain 
Macneil commanding a detachment of Colonel Kirk's 
regiment, and the Mackenzies with some others of 
Seaforth's men. Edin. 1722. 

Lookhaxt, George. Memoirs concerning th6 affairs of Scotland 
from Queen Anne's accession to May 1707. Lond. 

On pp. 341 et seq. Lockhart describes the negotiations 
with the Clievalier de St. George which followed the Act 
of Union. 

Lockhart papers. 2 vols. Lond. 181 7. 

Vol. i. contains Lockharfs narrative of Scottish 
affairs y 1 702- 1 5. Vol. ii. has Lockharfs narrative of 
public affairs and correspondence toith the Chevalier 
de St. George y 1716-28 ; ^Journals and memoirs of the 
Young Pretender^ s expedition in 1745*; a narrative 
of the '45 by a Clanranald Macdonald ; an * Account 
of events cU Inverness and Culloden"* in 1746; an 
* Account of the Young Pretender's escape* by one of 
his officers ; and an * Account of what happened to the 
Young Pretender after his arrival in France,* 

Logan, William. A letter to an English Member of Parlia- 
ment from a gentleman in Scotland, concerning 
superiorities, wards, and other remains of the feudal 
law, and clanships, containing hints for reforming the 
Highlands. [Lond.] 1721. 


I«ovat, Lord. A candid and impartial account of the behaviour 
of Simon Lord Lovat, from the time his death-warrant 
was delivered, to the day of his execution. Lond. 


An account of the pedigree and actions of Simon Fraser, 

Lord Lovat, from his birth, to the time of his being 
taken by Captain Miller, and his imprisonment for 
aiding the rebels against George ii. Dublin. 1747. 

A free examination of a modern romance, intitled. 

Memoirs of the life of Lord Lovat. Lond. 1746. 

Genuine memoirs of the life of Lord Fraser of Lovat. 

Lond. 1746. 

Memoirs of the life of Lord Lovat. Lond. 1746. 

Memoirs of the life of Simon Fraser, Lord Lovat. 

Edin. 1767. 

Memoirs of the life of Simon, Lord Lovat ; written by 

himself in the French language, and now first translated 
from the original manuscript. Lond. 1797. 

A narrative of the plot against Her Majesty, carried on 

by Captain Simon Fraser and others. Lond. 1704. 

The whole proceedings in the House of Peers upon 

the impeachment s^ainst Simon Lord Lovat, for High 
Treason. Lond. 1747. 

Luttrell, Narcissus. A brief historical relation of State affairs 
from September 1678 to April 17 14. 6 vols. Oxford. 

Macallester, Oliver, A series of letters discovering the scheme 
projected by France in mdcclix. for an intended 
invasion upon England. Lond. 1767. 

Maodonald, Alexander. An interesting narrative of the 
wanderings of Prince Charles Stuart and Miss Flora 
Macdonald, from the original mss. Edin. 1839. 


Kacdonald, Archibald. Life of Archibald Macdonald of 
Barrisdale, and many particulars relating to the 
Rebellion, and the proceedings on his trial before the 
Court of Justiciary. Lond. 1754. 

Macdonald, Charles. Moidart : or, Among the Clanranalds. 
Oban. 1889. 

Onpp, 171-74 is ' Part of a roll of men upon Clan- 
ranaldPs mainland estates ^ with their arms ; made up 
in the year 1745.* 

Kaodonald, John. A true and real state of Prince Charles 

Stuart's miraculous escape after the battle of Culloden. 

This contemporary narrative is printed in * Black- 

woocPs Magazine,^ October 1873/ * The Royalist ^ vol. 

Hi. 1 01 ; ^The Lyon in Mouming^^ voL Hi. 377. 

Kaodonell, John. The memoirs of Colonel John Macdonell. 

In * Canadian Magazine,* 1828. Macdonell arrived 
in Scotland shortly after Culloden, 1746. 

Kaoeachain, Neil. Narrative. 

In ^ New Monthly Magazine,* 1840, vol. Ix. 323-43. 
Extracts from it are in Blaikie, * Itinerary of Prince 
Charles Edward* 98-102. Maceachain accompanied 
Prince Charles to Skye and followed him to France. 

Kackay, Major-General Hugh. Memoirs of the war carried 
on in Scotland and Ireland, 1689-91. With an Ap- 
pendix of original papers. Bannatyne Club. Edin. 

MaCkay, William. Urquhart and Glenmoriston : olden times 
in a Highland parish. Inverness. 1893. 

On pp. 494-98 are two lists {from the Castle Grant 
MSS.) of those in Urquhart and Glenmoriston who 
were * out * in the '45. 
MadcintOBb, Charles Fraser*. Letters of two centuries. Inver- 
ness. 1890. 

On p. 223 is a curious letter describing Prince 
Charleses situation at Inverness in April 1746. 



Macky, John. Memoirs of the secret services of J. Macky. 
Lond. 1733. 

Macky was employed to spy upon the Jacobites. The 
hulk of the book consists of a series of sketches of the lecui- 
ing English and Scottish nobility. 

Maclaclilan, Archibald N. Campbell-. William Augustus, Duke 
of Cumberland : being a sketch of his military life and 
character, chiefly as exhibited in the General Orders of 
H.R.H., 1745. 1747. Lond. 1876. 

Contains considerable extracts from the Duke^s 
General Orders throughout the '45. 

Maopherson, Alexander. Gleanings from the Cluny Charter 
Chest. Vols. xix. xxi. Trans. Gaelic Soc. Inverness. 


Vol. xix. contains letters of Lord Lovat to Cluny, 
1740-45. Vol. xxi. has letters of the Earl of Mar and 
others relating to the *I5; Cluny s account of Clifton 
Skirtnish and other documents relating io the '45. 

Glimpses of Church and social life in the Highlands in 

olden times. Edin. and Lond. 1893. 

The Appendix has original papers relating to Cluny 
and Clan Chattan in 1745. 

Macpherson, James. The history of the present Rebellion in 
Scotland, from the departure of the Pretender's son 
from Rome down to the present time. Lond. 1745. 

The writer describes himself as having been forced 
into Prince Charleses service. His narrative ends at 
Prestcnpans, and its accuracy is questionable. 

Blaophenon, James. The history of Great Britain, from the 
Restoration to the accession of the House of Hannover. 
2 vols. Lond. 1775. 
Bcued upon the author's * Original Papers. * 

Original papers, containing the secret history of Great 

Britain, from the Restoration to the accession of the 
House of Hannover. 2 vols. Lond. 1775. 


Contains a large amount of Jacobite correspondence 
from Naime^s collection of Stuart Papers, 1688- 17 14. 

Madan, Falconer. Stuart papers, relating chiefly to Queen 
Mary of Modena and the exiled Court of King James 
II. Roxburghe Club. Lond. 1889. 

77ie Queen* s correspondence extends from 1689 to 
1 7 14. The papers also contain miscellaneous informa- 
tion on Jacobite affairs within the period, 

Kalioii, Lord. The decline of the last Stuarts. Roxburghe 
Club. Lond. 1843. 

Contains despatches to the English Government, 
chiefly from Sir Horcue Mann, relating to the affairs 
of the exiled Stuarts, The despatches cover the period 

— The Forty-Five. Lond. 1851. 

Extracted from the author^ s ^History of England,"* 
An Appendix contains letters of Prince Charles, June 

1745— /««»«0' 1747. 

History of England, from the Peace of Utrecht to the 

Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. 7 vols. Lond. 1836-54. 

Vol, L contains an account of the* \^ and an Appendix 
of documents covering the period 1712-19, from the 
Windsor Stuart Papers, VoL Hi., besides the account 
of the *45, has an Appendix of documents reletting to 
the period ij^o-zfifrom the same and other collections, 

Maidment, James. Analecta Scotica : collections illustrative 
of the history of Scotland. 2 vols. Edin. 1834-37. 
Vol, i, contains an account of Lord Forfar's death at 
Sheriffmuir, Vol, ii, has letters of Prince Charles and 
the Duke of Perth to Gordon of Avochy in 1745, and 
* A short memorandum,* etc, [Vide Aberdeen.] Con- 
tains also, * A short account of the behaviour of the 
rebel army at Hamilton* December 24-27, 1745. 


Maidment, James. The Argyle papers. Edin. 1834. 

Includes papers relative to JohUy Duke of Argyll^ 
1704-17, and the ^ Bumbank Papers ^ 1710-23. 

Miscellanea Scotica. 4 vols. Glasgow. 181S-20. 

Vol, t. contains the ^Authentic narrative of the mas- 
sacre of Glencoe. ' Vol, Hi. reprints the * Memoirs of 
the Lord Viscount Dundee, * 

Nugae derelictae : documents illustrative of Scotish 

affairs, mccvi.-mdccxv. Edin. 1888. 

Includes two letters from the Jordan-Hill Papers^ 
relating to the Earl of Mat^s proceedings in September 

Maitland, William. The history of Edinburgh, from its founda- 
tion to the present time. Edin. . 1753. 

Chaps, via, and ix, of Bk, u relate to the '15 and* 4$. 

Maitland Club. Miscellany : consisting of original papers and 
other documents illustrative of the history and litera- 
ture of Scotland. 4 vols. Edin. and Glasgow. 1834- 

Vol, Hi. 443-74 contains an account of the burning 
of Auchterarder and other villages by the Earl of Mar 
in January 17 16. 

Manchester. The Jacobite trials at Manchester in 1694. 
From an unpublished manuscript. Ed. W. Beaumont. 
Chetham Society. Manchester. 1853. 

Mansfield, Lord. The Thistle: a dispassionate examen of 
the prejudice of Englishmen in general to the Scotch 
nation. Lond. 1747. 

Mar, Earl of. A journal of the Earl of Marr's proceedings, 
from his first arrival in Scotland to his einbarkation 
for France. Printed in France by order of the Earl of 
Marr. Lond. [ 1 7 1 6. J 

The Earl of Mar marrM, with the humours of Jockey 

the Highlander. A tragicomical farce. Lond. 171 5. 


Mar, Earl of. The Pretender's flight : or, A mock coronation, 
with the humours of the facetious Harry Saint John. 
A tragi-comical farce. ' Being the sequel of the Earl 
of Marr marr'd. Lond. 17 16. 
Both were written by John Philips, 

The Earl of Mar's legacies to Scotland and to his 

son, Lord Erskine, 1722- 1727. Ed. Hon. Stuart 
Erskine. Scottish History Society, vol. xxvi. Ed in. 

Contains the Earts narrative of his relations with the 
Chevalier de St. George, and the latter' s letters to the 
Earl, 1722-23, etc. 

A letter from the Earl of Mar to the King, before 

his Majesty's arrival in England ; with some remarks 
on my Lord's subsequent conduct. [Lond.] 1715. 

The letter, dated August 30, i*]!^, professes loyalty 
to George /. Two letters of September 9, 17 15, are also 
included. The remarks are by Sir Richard Steele. 

Marcliant, John. The history of the present Rebellion. Lond. 

Largely a compilation of official and newspaper 
intelligence relating to the '45. 

Marohmont, Earl of. A selection from the papers of the Earls 
of Marchmont, illustrative of events from 1685 to 1750. 
3 vols. Lond. 1 83 1. 

Maxwell of Kirkconnell, James. Narrative of Charles Prince 
of Wales* expedition to Scotland in the year 1745. 
Maitland Club. Edin. 1841. 

Mcucwell joined Prince Charles probahly shortly after 
the battle of Prestonpans, 

Melfort, Duke of. Memoirs of John, Duke of Melfort ; being 

an account of the secret intrigues of the Chevalier de 

St. George, particularly relating to the present times. 

Lond. 1 7 14. 

John, Duke of Melfort, was the secoftd son of the third 


Earl of Ptrik, He died trnjatmary 1714. His nor- 
raHve c ommemce s with ike CkewUier's return from 
kis veyagt U Scailamd in 1708. 

MttlTfllfl^ HcML W. H. Leslie. Leven and Melville papers : 
letteis and State papers chiefly addressed to George, 
Earl of Melville, Secretary of State for Scotland, 1689- 
1691. Bannatyne Qnb. Edin. 1843. 

HWcniy. The general history of Europe, contained in the 
historical and political numthly Mercuries, done from 
the originals published at the Hague, by the authority 
of the States of Holland. 45 vols. Lond. 1690-1733. 
Tlu workj wki£k cavers the period 1690- 1 733, is also 
quoted under the title^ ' The present state of Europe^ 
etc. Portions of it^ relating to the '15, are printed in 
the Clarendon Historical Societ/s *ReprintSj first 
series y Nos, xvi,^ xvii, 

MoQiuey, George G. Carlisle in 1745 : authentic account of 
the occupation of Carlisle in 1745. Lond. and 
Carlisle. 1846. 

Among other mcUerialSy contains the contemporary 
correspondence of Dr. John IVastgh, Chancellor oj 

Mum^ of BroughlUm, John. Genuine memoirs of John 
Murray, Elsq. Together with remarks on the same, 
in a letter to a friend. Lond. 1747. 
A spurious work, 

Memorials of John Murray of Broughton. Ed. Robert 

F. Bell. Scottish History Society. Edin. 1898. 

A narrative of the *45 by Prince Charleys Secretary. 
An Appendix contains original documents and letters 
from the Stuart Papers at Windsor ^ Record Office, etc, 
relcUing to Jacobite affairs, 1740-49. 

Particulars of the secret history of [John] Murray of 

Broughton. Lond. 1766. 


Napier, Mark. Memorials and letters illustrative of the life 
and times of John Graham of Claverhouse. 3 vols. 
Edin. 1859-62. 

Newgate. The history of the press-yard ; or, A brief account 
of the customs and occurrences of Newgate in London. 
Lond. 1717. 

Hcts an account of Thomas Forstet^s escape from 
Newgate after his capture at Preston^ I7I5' 

The secret history of the rebels in Newgate, giving an 

account of their daily behaviour, from their commit- 
ment to their gaol-delivery. Taken from a diary kept 
by a gentleman in the same prison. Lond. [17 17.] 

Poems of love and gallantry written in the Marshalsea 

and Newgate by several of the prisoners taken at 
Preston. Lond. 17 16. 

There is an enlarged edition of this, by W, Tun- 
stall, entitled ^Ballads and some other Occasional 
Poems » ' [Lond. 1 7 1 6. ] 

Nlmmo, William. A general history of Stirlingshire. Edin. 

Extracts from Duncan Macpharic or Macgregor^s 
MS, account of the Clangs conduct in 1745-46 are in 
the second edit, 1 8 1 7 . 

North-Britain. Memoirs of North-Britain ; taken from 
authentick writings, in which it is prov'd that the Scots 
nation have always been zealous in the defence of the 
Protestant religion and liberty. Lond. 1 7 15. 

Includes accounts *of the designs of the Jacobites in 
opposing the Union, and of their Iwvc^ion-Plot after it^ 
and of * the agreenunt between the English and Scots 
Tories, since the change of the old Ministry, in their 
attempts against the Protestant succession, * 

Oldmixon, John. History of England during the reigns of 
King William and Queen- Mary, Queen -Anne, Ktng 
George I. Lond. 1735. 


OUpbuit, T. L. Kington. The Jacobite Lairds of Gask. 
Lond. 1870. 

Has extracts from the diary, correspondence y etc. , of 
Laurence Oliphant of Gask during the '45, and corre- 
spondence relating to the '15. 

Omond^ George W. T. The Amiston memoirs: Three 
centuries of a Scottish house, 1 571 -1838. Edited 
from the family papers. Edin. 1887. 

Several letters to Solicitor- General DundaSy relating 
to the '45, are in chap, viii, 

Orleans, Duchesse d'. Correspondance complete de Madame 
Duchesse d'Orl^ans, nee Princesse Palatine, m^re du 
Regent. Ed. Pierre G. Brunet. 2 vols. Paris. 1857. 

Palm, Georg F. Interessante scenen aus der geschichte der 
menschheit. Hannover. 1799. 

Ifuludes a narrative of the '45, under the title 
* MerkwUrdige und riihrende Scenen aus der 
Geschichte Karl Eduards^^ by Colonel Potoer, who 
was in Prince Charleses service, 

Paton, Henry. Papers about the Rebellions of 171 5 and 1745. 
Scottish History Society's Miscellany. Edin. 1893. 

Contains Peter darkens ^Joumall of severall oc- 
currences y November 2-14, 1715; Bishop Nicolson^s 
letters, December 8-27, 17 16, relating to the Jacobite 
trials ; the diary, September 14 — November 23, 1745, 
of John Campbell, the Edinburgh banker. 

Patten, Robert. The history of the late Rebellion: with 
original papers, and characters of the principal noble- 
men and gentlemen concern'd in it. Lond. 17 17. 

Includes the Earl of Mar^s ^JournalV of the ^i^. 
A list of the Clans and their strength is on pp, 231-40. 
Much of Mar*s correspondence is incorporated into the 

Penrlce, Gerard. A genuine and impartial account of the 
remarkable life and vicissitudes of fortune of C. 


Ratcliffe, Esq. With a full account of the Rebellion 
in England and Scotland at that time. Lond. 1747* 

Perth, Earl of. Letters from James, Earl of Perth, Lord 
Chancellor of Scotland, etc. , to his sister the Countess 
of ErroU and other members of his family. Ed, 
William Jerdan. Camden Society. Lond. 1845. 

The letters were written during the Earts exile ai 
Rome and elsewhere, 1688-96. 

Pertli. A true account of the proceedings at Perth ; the 
debates in the secret Council there ; with the reasons 
and causes of the suddain breaking up of the Rebellion. 
Written by a rebel. Lond. 1716. 

Gives a full account of the Councils held at Perth on 
January 28, 17 16, and following days, at which the 
retreat was resolved upott. Chambers, in his * History,^ 
and Maidmenty in vol, ii. of the ^Miscellany ' of the 
Spottiswoode Society {where it is reprinted), ascribe it 
to the Master of Sinclair, But vide his * Memoirs,^ 
p, via, 

The Pretender's proceedings at Perth described. 

[Edin. 17 16?] 

Compares the Chevalier to Lambert Simnel andPerkin 
Warbeck, and is silent upon his proceedings at Perth, 

Petitot, Claude B. Collection complete des m^moires relatifs 
^ Thistoire de France, depuis le r^gne de Philippe 
Auguste. 130 vols. Paris. 1819-29. 

Vols, Ixv, Ixvi. contain * Mimoires de Marichal de 
Berwick, icrits par lui-m^me ; avec une suite abrigie 
de 1^16 Jusqu^h sa mort en 1734.' 

Peyton, Sir Edward. The divine catastrophe of the kingly 
family of the House of Stuarts. Lond. 1731. 

Pbilalethes. A letter touching the late Rebellion, and what 
means led to it ; and of the Pretender's title. Lond. 


Fhtllp, James. The Grameid, an heroic poem descriptive of 
the campaign of Viscount Dundee in 1689. Exl. 
Alexander D. Murdoch. Scottish History Society. 
Edin. 1888. 

Piobot, Am^^e. Histoire de CharIes-£douard, dernier 
Prince de la Maison de Stuart. Paris. 1830. 

The instructions of the French King to the Marquis 
cCEguilleSy who joined Prince Charles at Holyrood 
after Prestonpans ; a letter of Cardinal York, dated 
November 15, 1745; and two letters of Prince Charles 
in 1763, 1774, are in an Appendix to the 1846 edition. 

Pickering:, William. The Rebellion of 1745. Newcastle- 
upon-Tyne. 1 88 1. 

Compiled from the contemporary ^Newcastle 
Courant. * 

Bae, Peter. The history of the late Rebellion rais'd against 
King George by the friends of the Popish Pretender. 
Dumfries. 17 18. 

The second edition [Lond. 1746] is enlarged by a 
collection of original papers relcUing to the '15. 

Bamsay, John. Scotland and Scotsmen in the eighteenth 
century. 2 vols. Edin. and Lond. 1888. 

The author was born in 1736. Chap, xv, relates 
to the *45. 

Bapin-Thoyras, Paul de. Histoire d'Angleterre, depuis Tin- 
vasion de Jules C^sar jusqu'^ Tav^nement de George ii. 
^ la Couronne. 13 vols. La Haye. 1724-36. 

The work is translated into English by Nicholas 
Tindal, in 17 vols. [Lond. 1725-51.] 

Batcllffe, Charles. Genuine and impartial memoirs of Charles 
Radcliffe. With an account of his family, and how 
far he was concerned in the Rebellion of 1 715. 
Lond. 1746. 

Genuine memoirs of the life and character of Charles 


Ratcliffe, Esq., who was beheaded on Tower Hill, 
Dec. 8, 1746. Lond. 1746. 

Batcliffe, Charles. A sketch of the life and character of M^ 
Radcliife, containing the part he acted in the Rebellion 
in the year 1715. Lond. 1746. 

Ray, James. A compleat history of the Rebellion. Bristol. 

Ray served as a volunteer under the Duke of Cumber- 
land in the '45. 

ReMUion. An account of the late Scotch invasion, with true 
copies of authentick papers, n. p. 1709. 

Prints Lord HavershanCs speech in the House of 
Lords on February 25, 1709, criticising the want of 
preparation to resist the Jacobite attempt in 1708, and 
se^ieral letters of David^ Earl ofLeven and Melville y in 
March 1708, on4he same subject, 

Histoire des Revolutions d'j&cosse et d'Irlande durant 

lesann^es 1707, 1708 et 1709. Dublin. 176 1. 

A collection of original letters and authentick papers 

relating to the Rebellion 17 15. Edin. 1730 

Includes the proclamations and letters of the Earl of 
Mar, August 25, 1715 /^ February 4, 17 16. 

A compleat history of the late Rebellion. Lond. 


A considerable narrative of iT^ pp. Prints the 
official documents issued on both sides during the^i$. 

A faithful register of the late Rebellion : or, An im- 
partial account of the impeachments, trials, speeches, 
etc., of all who have suffered for the cause of the 
Pretender in Great Britain. Lond. 17 18. 

A full account (415 pp,) of the trials which followed 
the *I5. 

A full and authentick narrative of the intended horrid 

conspiracy and invasion. Lond. 1715. 
A pamphlet of 33 //. ; relating to the '15. 


Bebellion. The historical register, containing an impartial re- 
lation of all transactions that happened daring the 
first seventeen months of the reign of King George. 
2 vols. Lond. 1724. 

Covers the period July 17 14 to January 17 16. 

A key to the plot, by reflections on the Rebellion. In 

a letter from a countryman in Scotland to a courtier in 
London. Lond. 1 7 1 6. 

A letter from an officer in the King's army, after it 

had march'd northward from Aberdeen, to his friend 
at London, February i7iS. ^' P- 17x6. 

Describes the motives for the abandonment of Perth^ 
and the Chevalier de St. Georges movements in 17 16. 
A letter from the Earl of Mar, appended to the 
pamphlet y dated Avignon, April 17 16, endorses its 

A short history of the late Rebellion, and the conduct 

of Divine Providence. In a letter from Edinburgh to 
a gentleman at Dumfries, n. p. [17 16?] 

The state of the present Rebellion, wherein the un- 
reasonableness and injustice of it is demonstrated. 
Lond. 1 7 16. 

Superiorities displayed : or, Scotland's grievance, 

wherein is shewn that these have been the handles of 
Rebellion in preceeding ages, especially in the year 
1 7 15. Edin. 1746. 

Letters which passed between Count Gyllenborg, the 

Barons Gortz, Sparre, and others, relating to the 
design of raising a Rebellion in his Majesty's do- 
minions, to be supported by a force from Sweden. 
Edin. 1717. 

The Jacobite attempt of 1719. Ed. William K. 

Dickson. Scottish History Society. Edin. 1895. 

Contains the Duke of Ormonde's correspondence luith 


the Chevalier de St. George, Cardinal Alberoni and 
others, 1718-19. An Appendix contains docutnents 
from the Windsor, Record Office, and British Museum 
collections, bearing on the Jacobite attempt of \*]i^. 

Rebellion. A serious address to the people of Great Britain. In 
which the certain consequences of the present Rebellion 
are fully demonstrated. Lond. 1745. 

A collection of declarations, proclamations, and other 

valuable papers. Edin. 1749. 

Contains Prince Charleys Edinburgh proclamcUions 
in 1 745; his commission and the proclamation from 
Rome, December 1743/ his proclamation from Paris, 
May 1745 ; and the journal of the march to and from 
Derby, November 8 — December 20, 1745. 

A compleat and authentick history of the rise, progress, 

and extinction of the late Rebellion. Lond. 1747. 
A pamphlet of 6^ pp. ; on the '45. 

The contrast : or, Scotland as it was in the year 1745, 

and Scotland in the year 18 19. Lond. 1825. 

Contains the journal of a medical officer who attended 
the Duke of Cumberland during the '45. 

Copy of part of a letter, written from Falkirk, 29th 

January 1746. From a gentleman volunteer to his 
friend at Glasgow. Gla^ow. 1746. 

From a prisoner in the hands of the Highlanders. 
Of no particular value. 

— The Edinburgh packet opened, by a collection of 

curious pamphlets published on occasion of the present 
unaccountable Rebellion, and on other important 
critical occasions, from 1724 to 1745. Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne. 1745. 

An enquiry into the causes of the late Rebellion, and 

the proper methods for preventing the like misfortune 
for the future. Lond. 1746. 


BeMUion. Hereditary right not indefeasible ; or, Some argu- 
ments founded upon the unalterable laws of society and 
government, proving that the right claimed by the 
Jacobites can never belong to any Prince or succession 
of Princes. With an Appendix, occasioned by the 
dying speeches of some of the rebels. Lond. 1747. 

The history of the Rebellion raised against H. M. 

King George ii. Dublin. 1746. 

Contains plans of the battles of Falkirk and Culloden. 

The history of the Rebellion 1745 ^"^^ I746' With an 

account of the genius and temper of the Clans, and an 
abstract of their former Rebelli ons. Lond. [ 1 750 ?] 

The history of the rise, progress, and extinction of the 

Rebellion in Scotland, in the years 1745-6, with a 
particular account of the hardships the Young Pre- 
tender suffered after the battle of Culloden. Lond. 

A list of persons concerned in the Rebellion.' Ed. 

Earl of Rosebery and Walter Macleod. Scottish 
History Society. Edin. 1890. 

The * List ' was compiled by the Supervisors of Excise 
in 1746. // contains nearly three thousand nanus , 
and forms a muster-roll of the Jcuobite army in the 
'45. Original papers from the Signet Library MSS. 
are appended^ relating to Jacobite prisoners. 

Letter from a gentleman at Newcastle to the burgesses 

of Edinburgh, relative to the Rebellion. [Newcastle- 
upon-Tyne?] 1745. 

A letter from a Scots gentleman at Berwick to his 

intimate friend at Newcastle, concerning the Rebellion. 
Newcastle-upon-T)nie. 1745. 

— A short and true narrative of the Rebellion in 1745: 

beginning with the Young Chevalier's entry into the 


West of Scotland, until his banishment out of France. 
Edin. 1779. 

Beumont, Alfred von. Die Grafin von Albany. 2 vols. 
Berlin, i860. 

The life and correspondence of the wife of Prince 

B086, D. Murray. Historical notes : or, Essays on the '15 and 
'45. Edin. 1897. 

Has original letters relating to Lord Seaforth^s 
campaign^ to Sir Robert Munro of Foulis, and to 
William Mackintosh of BorluMy in the '15. Includes 
also Essays on Lord Macleod^s campaign in 1746, etc, 

Some Kindeace letters. Dingwall. 1896. 

Contains twenty-six letters y between the dates January 
25, 1733, and December 10, 1747, chiefly from Lord 
President Duncan Forbes to his sister and her husband^ 
David Ross of Kindeace, 

Prince Charlie's friends : or, Jacobite indictments. 

Aberdeen. 1896. 

Contains the evidence given at the Jacobite trials 
in 1746. 

After CuUoden. 

In * Scots Magazine y* 1900, //. 434-46. A Report 
on the State of the Highlands after the '45, by Patrick 
Campbell and — Stuart, 

Rose, Hugh. Accompt of expensis at Edinburgh, March 17 15. 
Ed. Alexander H. Millar. Scottish History Society's 
Miscellany. Edin. 1893. 

The ^Accompt ' is thctt of Alexander Rose, son of Hugh 
Rose of Kilravock, 

Royalist, Tbe. London. 1890—. 

In vol. Hi, 83 is a reprint of a MS, of John 
Robinson y of Hartbum^ Northumberland^ which gives 
some account of the preparations in that county to resist 
Prince Charles in 1745. 


Saint-Simon, Due de. CEuvres complettes de Louis de Saint 
Simon, Due et Pair de France, pour servir a Thistoire 
de Louis xiv., de la R%ence, et de Louis xv. 13 
vols. Strasbourg. 1791. 

Salmon, Thomas. The characters of the several noblemen and 
gentlemen that have died in the defence of their 
Princes, or the liberties of their country. Together 
with the characters of those who have suffered for 
treason and rebellion for the last 300 years. Lond. 

The chronological historian, containing a regular 

account of all material transactions and occurrences 
relating to English affairs, to the death of King 
George i. Lond. 1733. 

Scots Magazine, The. Vols. vii. viii. Edin. 1745-46. 

Follows the contemporary Rising in grecU detail 
month by months and has special articles upon its chief 

Scottisb Journal, The. Vol. ii. Edin. 1848. 

Onp, 113 is a short contemporary diary of the '45. 

Sheridan, Sir Thomas. Relazione della vittoria riportata in 
Scozia da Carlo Eduardo su le truppe inglesi, 28 
Gennajo, 1746. Roma. 1746. 
An account of the battle of Falkirk, 

Sherifllnnir. An account of the engagement near Dunblain 
yesterday the 13th instant, betwixt the King's army 
under the command of his Grace the Duke of Argyll, 
and the rebels commanded by Mar. Edin. 17 15. 

The battle of Sheriffmuir. Related from original 

sources. By an F.S. A. (Scot.). Stirling. 1898. 

Sinclair, Master of. Memoirs of the Insurrection in Scotland 
in 17 15. Abbotsford Club. Edin. 1858. 

The author was attainted for his participation in 


the '15. His lengthy *■ Memoirs^ severely blame 
Smollett, Tobias. A complete history of England, to the Treaty 
of Aix-la-Chapelle.. 11 vols. Lond. 1758-60. 

Spalding Club. Miscellany. 5 vols. Aberdeen. 1841-52. 
Vol, i, contains Captain Janus Stuart^ s * March of 
the Highland Army^ 1745-46,' extracts from John 
Bissefs Aberdeen diary for 1745-46, and contemporary 
letters to the Laird of Stoneywood, 1745-46. Vol, ii, 
has letters of L4>rd LovcUy 1740-45. Vol. Hi, has letters 
of Lord Grange^ chiefly from Edinburgh^ 1731-41. 
Vol, iv, contains two letters of 1746, one of them 
reporting rumours as to the result of the battle ofFcUkirk. 

Spottiswoode Society. Miscellany : a collection of original 
papers and tracts. 2 vols. Edin. 1844-45. 

Vol, i, contains a * Letter from an English traveller 
at RomCi* Mayd^ 1721, giving an account of the Cheva- 
lier ; and letters of Lord Lovat to George Crawford^ 
1728-30. Vol, ii, has the * Memoirs of John, Duke of 
Melfortj relating to the Chevaliet^s intrigues ^ 1708-14; 
^ A true account of the proceedings at Perth [vide 
Perth] ; an * Account of the battle of Sherifffnuiry dated 
from Stirling^ November 15, 1715; Ihe ^Memorial 
as to the state of the prisoners on account of the late 
Rebellion f* ctscribed to Lord Advocate Dairy mple in 
17 16; Ij)rd George Murray's cucount of Culloden; 
and letters of Colonel James Wolfe relating to the 
measures to be taken against the vanquished after that 
battle, etc, 

BtaekbooBe, Thomas. Memoirs of the life, character, conduct, 
and writings of Dr. Francis Atterbury, late Bishop of 
Rochester. Lond. 1723. 

State Trials. A complete collection of State trials. Vols. 
xv.-xix. Lond. 1812-13. 

Vol, XV, contains the trials of the Earl of Derwent- 



loaUr and ^thir Lords engaged in the '15. VoL xvit. 
Aas the trial of John Graham and others for drinking 
the Chevalier^ s health in 17 15. VoL xznii, contains 
the trials of the Jacobite peers and others in 1746. 
Vol, xix. has thai of Dr. Archibald Cameron, 

Stewart, Archibald. A true account of the behaviour and 
conduct of Archibald Stewart, late Lord Provost of 
Edinburgh. Lond. 1748. 

Stewart was in office when the Highlanders occupied 
the city in 1745. 

Stirliliff. Extracts from the records of the royal Bui^h of 
Stirling, A.D. 1667-1752. Glasgow. 1889. 

Has^ on pp, 278-82, an account of the surrender of 
Stirling to Prince Charles in 1746, drawn up by the 
magistrcUes of the Burgh, 

Stuartk House of. Ahab's evil ; containing a secret history 
of the Stuarts. Lond. 1720. 

History of the conspiracies, trials, and dying speeches of 

all those who have suffered on account of the House of 
Stuart, from the Revolution down to the commencement 
of the last Rebellion. Lond. 1747. 

The right of the House of Stewart to the Crown of 

Scotland considered. Second edit. Edin. 1746. 

A vindication of the royal family of the Stuarts from 

the aspersions cast on them by Rapin, Oldmixon, etc., 
in which ihe life of King Charles I. is particularly 
considered. Lond. 1734. 

Swift, Jonathan. The works of Jonathan Swift, D.D. 19 
vols. Edin. 1814. 

Sydenham, Henry. Alexis: or, The worthy unfortunate. 
Being a true narrative of the affecting case of a young 
gentleman whose ruin was occasioned by the late 
Rebellion. Lond. 1747. 

— ^— > The fatal effects of the present Rebellion, exemplified 


in a true but melancholy account of the life and death 
of M' Sydenham. Together with some other authentic 
instances of what the country has suffered by the 
tyrannical behaviour of the Pretender's followers. 
Lond. [1745- ] 

Thornton, Percy M. The Stuart dynasty : short studies of its 
rise, course, and early exile. The latter drawn from 
papers in Her Majesty's possession. Lond. 1890. 

Contains a selection of letters from the Wittdsor 
collection, for the years 1676 to 17 16, written chiefly by 
the Chevalier de St, George, the Duke of Berwick, Lord 
Bolingbroke, and the Earl of Mar, 

TildOBley, Thomas. The Tyldesley diary. Personal records 
of Thomas Tildesley during the years 1 712- 13- 14. 
Preston. 1873. 

Tildesley was a prominent Lancashire Jacobite, 

Townley, Francis. The genuine trial of Francis Townly 
convicted of high treason on July 15th, 1746. To 
which is added the trials of G. Fletcher, T. Chadwick, 
and W. Battragh, officers in the aforesaid Townley's 
regiment. Lond. [1746.] 

Townley commanded the Manchester reginunt which 
capitulcUed at Carlisle in December 1745. 

A genuine account of the behaviour, confession, and 

dying words of Francis Townly, (nominal) Colonel of 
the Manchester Regiment, Thomas Deacon, James 
Dawson, John Berwick, George Fletcher, and Andrew 
Blood, Captains in the Manchester Regiment; Thomas 
Chadwick, Lieutenant, Thomas Sydall, Adjutant in 
the same ; and Counsellor David Morgan, a voluntier 
in the Pretender's army. Who were executed the 30th 
day of July 1746, at Kennington Common, for High 
Treason. Lond. [1746.] 

Has interesting biographical notices of the condemned 


Wallace, James. The history of Scotland, from Fergus the 
first King, to the commencement of the Union in 1707. 
With an account of the Rebellion in 1 7 15. Dublin. 

Walpole, Horace. Memoirs of the last ten years of the reign 
of George II. 2 vols. Lond. 1822. 

The letters of Horace Walpole. 9 vols. Ed. Peter 

Cunningham. Lond. 1857-59. 

The letters to Sir Horace Mann relate the progress 
of the Rising of 1745. 

Ware, S. Hibbert. The state of parties in Lancashire before 
the Rebellion of 17 15. Chetham Society. Manchester, 

Besides the editot^s narrative of the *I5, the volume 

contains Peter darkens 'Joumall of severcUl occurrences, 

November 2-14, 1715, and his * Preston Fight.* 

Wesley, John. Works. 17 vols. Lond. 1809-13. 

Wesley's * Journal,* in vol. ii. 308, describes the 
position at Newcastle-upon-Tyne in September 1745. 

Wmtefoord. The Whitefoord papers. Ed. William A. S. 
Hewins. Oxford. 1898. 

Colonel Charles Whitefoord was taken prisoner at 
Prestonpans. His letters and papers illustrate Cope's 
campaign in 1745. 

Wilkinson, W. A compleat history of the trials of the rebel 
Lords. Lond. n. d. 
An account of the trials in 1746. 

William Angostne, Duke of Cumberland. The book of the 
Chronicles of William, Duke of Cumberland ; being 
an account of the rise and progress of the present Re- 
bellion. Edin. 1746. 

^^— — Epistola gratulabunda ad Gulielmum Cumbrise Ducem. 
Edin. 1746. 


William AttgustllB, Duke of Cumberland. Historical memoirs 
of William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland, including 
the military and political history of Great Britain 
during that period. Lond. 1767. 

A journey through part of England and Scotland along 

with the army under the command of His Royal High- 
ness the Duke of Cumberland. By a volunteer. Lond. 


The author served under the Duke in the '45. 

Wodrow, Robert. Analecta : or, Materials for a history of 
remarkable providences. Maitland Club. 4 vols. 
Edin. 1842-43. 

Vide under *^ Jacobites ' in Index for references to the 
party ^ 1710-27. 

Correspondence of the Rev. Robert Wodrow. Wodrow 

Society. 3 vols. Edin. 1842-43. 

Several letters in vol, ii. bear upon the progress of 
the '15. 

Wright, C. E. Guthrie. Gideon Guthrie : a monograph written 
1 7 12 to 1730. Lond. 1900. 
Guthrie's experiences during the '15 are on pp, 86-93. 

Wright, John. Out in the Forty- Five. 

In * The Antiquary ^ vols, xxiii, xxiv. A series of 
letters written chiefly from York, November 10, 1745 to 
January 18, 1746. 

Tork. A true and impartial account of the trials of the rebels 
at York. York. 1746. 



AlMrd«en Municipal H8S. 

Contain three volumes of ^Papers relating to the 
Rebellion of 1746,' and two bundles of ^Papers anent the 
Rebellions of lyi^ and 1745, relating principally to 
the latter i and consisting mostly of fudicial examinations 
of captive rebels ^ orders for forc^e^ and the like* ' Vide 
^Historical Manuscripts Commission^ Rept, I, 122; 
A Hardy ce, ^Historical Papers ^^ vol, i.; Anderson^ 
* Charters and other writs illustrcUing the history of 
the royal Burgh of Aberdeen , {Aberdeen^ 1890,]^. 
422, 424. Vide cUso pp, 13, 44, 51, no, 123 0/ the 

Albemarle Correspondence. 

This collection^ which includes nearly one hundred 
and fifty letters i is in the possession of Colonel H* W, 
FeildeHy Wells, Norfolk. The letters are all dated 
August 1746, and contain five from Lord Loudoun at 
Inverness and Fort Augustus, August 10-21 ; six from 
General Bland at Stirling, August 3-29 ; twelve front 
General Blakeney at Inverness, August 1-31 ; eighteen 
from the magistrates. Lord Sempil, Lt.-Col. Jackson, 
and others at Aberdeen, August 3-30; miscellaneous 
letters from various officers stationed in the Highlatuls, 

Argyll MSS. 

Letters to John, Duke of Argyll, relating to the'i$, 
and one relating to the Jacobite cUtempt in 1 7 19, are in 
'Hist. MSS. Comm,,' Rept, vi. 618-20. 

AthoU MSS. 

Vide 'Hist, MSS, Comm.,' Report VII, 704, for 
letters of Prince Charles and Lord George Murray in 
January 1746. A large amount of Jacobite corre- 


spondencty 1705-60, is calendared in Ibid. Rept, XJI. 
Ft, via, 62-75. ^ pertum of the family papers has 
been printed by the Duke for private circulation, 

Braye USB. 

Contain Stuart papers which cover the period 1701- 
1809. They include letters of the Chevalier de St, 
George, Prince Charles, Cardinal York, the Countess 
of Albany f and Clementina Walkinshaw, Vide ^Bist, 
MSS, Comm,y Rept, X, Ft, vi, 216-52. 

BritiBli MUBeiuxi MSB. 

A large and miscellaneous collection of Jacobite letters, 
etc, are among the Egerton, GucUterio, Hardwicke, 
Newcastle, and Stowe MSS, They include letters of 
the Chevalier de St, George; letters of Sir John Cope, 
and Marshal Waders letters and Order- Book, relating 
to the '45 ; Sir A, Mitchelts correspondence ; Sir 
Robert Strangers papers ; Reports of Jacobite spies, etc, 
[Vide the printed catalogues of the several manuscript 
collections in the Museum.] Of the Chevalier de St, 
George^ s letters, those in the Egerton MSS. number ten, 
dated as follows : i. ^ d^ Avignon, ce 14. May 1716'; 2. 
^A Urbino, ce 30 Sep^. 1718 '; 3. ^Le 23 Sep, 1719 '; 4. 
^De Rome, ce 27 Auril 1720'; 5. ^De Rome^ ce 16 
Oct, 1720'; 6. *De Rome,ce 15 Fevrier 1721* ; 7. 'De 
Rome,ce X Dec, 1 721'; 8. 'De Rome, ce 2$ Jan. 1722*; 
i), 'Roma Alii 1$ Maggio 17^2* ; 10, n.p. n.d. Among 
the Addit, MSS, there are upwards of forty of the 
Chevalier's letters, 1 701 -1745, including his correspon- 
dence with Cardinals Gualterio, de la Trimouille, 
Aquaviva, the Duke of Modena, Fope Clement the 
Eleventh, Cardinal Caprara, and intercepted letters to 
Baron Ripperda, 

Cathoart HBB. 

Include letters of Lord Stair from Faris in 17 15 -16, 
and in 1744-47, and an account and plan of the battle 


of Culhden. Vide ^ Hist. MSS. Comm.,* Report //. 
24-28. Vide, alsopp, 178, 187, 189, 234. 

Carlisle H88. 

Some particulars of the *45 and the subsequent trials 
are in *Hist, MSS, Comm.,'' Rept, xv. Pt. vt. 199 
et seq. 

Oranford MSS. 

A number of broadsides relating to the '15 and '45 are 
calendared in ^Bibliotheca Lindesiana^ 242-50, 297-98. 

Captain Daniel's MS. 

This narrative of the '45 is quoted in Lord Mahon^s 
* History.* It was communicated to him by Lcufy 
Willoughby d^Eresby, and is now at Drummond Castle. 
Captain Daniel joined the Prince in Lancashire and 
attached himself to the Duke of Perth, 

Denbigh MSS. 

In ^Hist, MSS, Comm.y Rept. vii. 197, is a news- 
letter y written possibly to Dykevelt^ dated from London, 
^<^y H» 1 69 1, regarding the projects of the Scottish 

DomesUc State Papers. 

The printed Calendars of these papers in the Record 
Office do not come down later than 1 691. Considerable 
portions of the non-calendared papers of the reigns of 
George I, and George II. have been printed, notably in 
the Appendices to the Jacobite volumes of the Scottish 
History Society. 

Dmnunond Hurray MSS. 

Letters of the Chevalier de St. George and Prince 
Charles to the Marquis of Tullibardine, 1720-46; the 
Chevalier's letters to Admiral Gordon, 1716-40; papers 
relating to the*i$ and*^$; and Jacobite correspondence, 
1716-35, are in *Hist. MSS. Comm.,' Rept. X. Pt. i. 
91-3. 123-30, 157-65, 168-85. 


BUot Hodgldn MSB. 

Include the Ormonde Papers^ i6gy-iyyg, which con- 
tain a large number of letters from the Chevalier de 
St, George and Prince Charles, They are printed in 
'Hist, MSS, Comm,,' Rept, XV, Pt, ii, 205-51. 

Blphliutone MSB. 

Include a large amount of Jacobite correspondence, 

1725-56. Vide 'Hist, MSS, Comm,,* Rept, IX, 217 

et seq. Papers and letters y 1717-58, of George, Earl 

Marischal and Field-Marshal Keith, including some 

from the Chevalier de St. George, are onpp, 215-17. 

Finch MSB. 

Contain *" Memoirs concerning the affairs of Scotland^ 
from Queen Ann^s accession to the throne, to the com- 
mencement of the union of the two Kingdoms of Scotland 
and England in May 1707.* Vide 'Hist, MSS, 
Comm,,* Rept, Vll, 515. 

FitiherDert MBB. 

A series of letters describing the march into England 
in 1745, and a long list of Jacobites convicted in York- 
shire, are printed in 'Hist, MSS, Comm,^ Rept, XIIJ, 
Pt, vi, 160 et seq. 

Flemlner MBB. 

Vide 'Hist, MSS, Comm,,' Rept, xii. Pt, vii, 355- 
356, for some details regarding the *I5 and *45; and 
pp, 238 et seq. for letters relating to Claverhouse, 

Forfeited Estates Commlesion. 

For an inventory of documents relating to the for- 
feiture of English Jacobite estates, vide * Fifth Report 
of the Deputy Keeper of Records,^ App, i, pp, 97-130. 
For forfeited Scottish estates, vide infra, Pnbllc Records 
of Bcotland. Mr. A, H. Millar is editing a volume of 
these papers for the Scottish History Society. 


James Oatt's MB. 

Contains twelve contemp<n'ary Latin poems on the 
'45. Vide Mr» P, J, Anderson^s note on them in 
'Scottish Notes and Queries^ vol, ix, 180. 

Onaltarlo M88. 

7^ Add/ Philippe- Antoine Gualterio was Nuncio at 
the Court of Versailles, 1 700- 1706. His papers are in 
the British Museum, and include three letters of the 
Chevalier de St, George, dcUed 1721-24. Cf. * Notes and 
Queries,^ fourth series, vol, vi, 405. 

Hamilton MSB. 

General Hugh Mcuka^s despatches relating to the 
campaign against Claverhouse are in ''Hist, MSS, 
Comm.,* Kept, xi, Pt, vi, 179 et seq. 

Harley MB8. 

Defoe* s correspondence with Harley during his visit 
to Scotland in 1706 is in 'Hist, MSS, Comm,,* Rept, 
XV, Pt, iv, 269 et seq. His 'Proposals for Scotland,* 
in 1 7 10, are on pp, 585-90. 

Holdemesfle MSS. 

Contain a large quantity of documents relating to 
Jacobite affairs after 1749. Vide 'Hist, MSS, Comm,,* 
Rept, XI, Pt, vii, 43 et seq. 

Home Office Beoords, Scotland. 

These documents in the Public Record Office include 
three volumes of ' Church Books, Scotland, for 1724-60; 
twelve volumes of 'Letter Books, Scotland^* for 1713-25; 
forty five bundles of 'Miscellaneous Papers, Scotland* 
for 1 688- 1 760; thirty four volumes of ' Warrant Books, 
Scotlaftd,* for 1 670- 1760. 

InYemess Mnnloipal MSB. 

Contain a large number of unpublished materials 
bearing upon the Jacobite period and Risings, 


Kenyon MSS. 

Details as to the Highlanders at Manchester in 1745 
are printed in ^Hist, MSS, Comm,,'* Rept, XIV, 
Pt, iv. 478 et seq. 

Kllmamodk Papers. 

A folio volume containing prints ypasquils and family 
papers relating to the '15 and '45 is in Lord ErrolVs 
possession at Slains Castle. Vide note upon it in Gibb 
and Skelton^ * The royal House of Stuart ^^ pp, 37-40. 

Lawaon MSB. 

Include letters of Prince Charles and the Duke of 
Perth t dated from Preston^ November 2^, 1745, regard- 
ing the invasion of England, Vide *Hist. MSS, 
Comm,,* Rept, Jii, 255. 

Lonadale MBS. 

Information regarding the state of Westmoreland in 
December 1745 is in ^Hist, MSS, Comm,^ Rept, xiii, 
Pt, vii, 126. 

The LoyaU DiBsnasiTe. 

This narrativey written by Sir /Eneas Macpherson in 
1 703* *5 being edited for the Scottish History Society by 
the Rev, Canon Murdoch, Dr, T, G, Law, in the 
twelfth Report of the Society ^ describes it as throwing 
light ^ on the sentiments of Highlanders ^ and their move- 
ments y which led to the Jacobite risings of lyi^ and 

Andrew Lumisden's MBS. 

His narrative of the battles of Prestonpansy Falkirk y 
and Culloden was in 1885 in the possession of Mr, 
James Gibson^ Craig of Edinburgh, It appeared in the 
catalogue of his collectiony and was sold in 1887 ^^ 
Messrs, Ellis and Elvey, His letter-book is in the 
possession of Mr, Alexander Pelham Trotter. 


Haodonald of Olengurry's MS. Letter-Book. 

Is in the possession of General Alastair Macdonald. 
Mr, Andrew Lang has made use of it in his * Com- 
panions of Pickle.^ 

DnncaD Macpbailc or Maogregor*8 MS. 

This account of the action of Clan Macgregor in 1745 
was in 1897 in the possession of Miss Murray Mac- 
gregor. Extracts from it are printed in Nimmo, 
* History of Stirlingshire^* second edit, ^ 1817. 

Marcbinont MSS. 

Correspondence relating to Highland affairs, and 
particularly to the *I5, is in part printed in *Hist. 
MSS. Comm,^' Rept, XIV. Ft, Hi, 117 et seq. 

Montrose MSS. 

Include letters relating to the Jacobite attempt in 1708, 
and to the '15 ; notices of the proceedings of Rob Roy ; 
unsigned letters ott the battle of Sheriffmuir^ etc. Vide 
'Hist. MSS. Comm.,* Rept, III. 368-86. 

Moray MSS. 

Letters descriptive of the movements of Prince 
Charleses army and of the bcdtles of Falkirk and 
Culloden are calendared in *Hist, MSS. Comm.,'* Rept, 
III. 419. 

Morrison MSS. 

For a news-letter regarding the '45, vide * Hist. 
MSS. Comm.^^ Rept. IX. 477. A memorandum ^ A bout 
the birth of the Pretender ,* and a letter from Defoe at 
Edinburgh in November 1 706, are onp, 469. 

Monoaeter MSS. 

A short account of the retreat from Derby in 1745 is 
in 'Hist. MSS. Comm.,' Rept. x. Ft. iv. 296. 

Orderly Book of the 86tli Foot before and after Onlloden. 

Vide ' Transac. Soc. Antiq. Scot,,* vol. Hi. App. 
189. Vide also vol. iv. App. 16, for 'Anecdotes of the 
Highlanders and of the Rebellion ofiy^^-6.* 


Perth Honicipal KBB. 

A volume of papers and documents from this collec- 
tion, relating to the '15 and '45, is being prepared for 
the Scottish History Society, They include lists of those 
at Perth who engaged in the '15, and documents relating 
to the Jacobite trials at Perth in 1746. 

' Pnt>lie Records of Scotland. 

Include several volumes relating to the management 
of estates forfeited after the Risings. Vide//. 45-52^ 
Millar and Bryce's * Hand-Book of Records in H. Af. 
' General Register House, [Edin, 1885.] 

Richmond MBS. 

For reports upon Scottish affairs, 1744*46, aiid 
cucounts of the battles of Falkirk and Culloden, vide 
^ Hist, MSS. Comm.,* Rept. /. 115. 

Ross MSS. 

Two letters of Lord President Forbes to Alexander 
Ross, October — November 1745, are in * Hist. JtfSS. 
Comm.,* Rept. vj. 718. 

Roxbnrghe MSS. 

Personal reminiscences of the '45 by the fifth Duke of 
Roxburghe are in part printed in ^Hist, MSS. Comm.^ 
Rept. XIV. Pt. Hi, 48 et seq. 

Rutland MSS. 

Letters from the Marquess of Granby and Lord 
George Manners, serving in the campaigns in Scotland 
and England, 1745-46, are calendared in * Hist, MSS, 

I Comm.,' Rept, xii, Pt, v, 196-98. 


I Seaflold MSS. 

I Include a series of letters from Lord Hardwicke, 

' 1747-64, bearing upon the settlement of Scotland after 

the '45. Vide 'Hist, MSS. Comm.,' Rept. rii. 404. 


BlsiMt Library K88. 

A selection of papers from the collection^ deeding with 
the '45, is printed in vol, viii. 390 et seq. of the 
Scottish History Society s Publications, 

Stair MB8. 

Contain Lord Stair^s general correspondence y 1709- 
1746. Vide * Hist, MSS, Comm,,' Rept, //. 188-91. 

Stewart MSS. 

An account of the battle of Falkirk is printed on 
pp, 144-45 ^f'Hist. MSS. Comm,^' Rept, x. Ft, iv, 

Stuart MSS. 

Include a *JourncU of route with the Hessians ' in 
Scotland^ March 5 to April "^^ 1746. Extracts from U 
are printed in * Hist, MSS, Comm,^^ Rept, viil 


Stuart Papers. 

Portions of this collection^ preserved at Windsor^ 
have been printed in the works of Browne^ Glover^ 
Mahon^ Thornton^ and in the Jacobite volumes of the 
Scottish History Society, Vide infra in the Subfect- 

Satherlaad HSS. 

Contain letters from Lord Lovat, Duncan Forbes 
and others on public affairs ^ 1707-46 ; a narrative of 
the * Conduct of William^ Earl of Sutherland, 1745 '/ 
and letters to Claverhouse, Vide *Hist, MSS, Comm.,' 
Rept, 11, 178-79; Eraser, ^ Sutherland Book,' vol, i. 

Townslieiid MSS. 

Jacobite papers and letters, 1703-27, are calendared 
and in part printed in ^ Hist, MSS, Comm,,' Rept 
XL Ft, iv, 153 et seq. 


TrMumxy Papers. 

These papers^ in the Public Record Office^ are calen- 
dared to the year 1734. Numerous documents relating 
to the '15 are in the published volume for 1714-19. 
Vide * Rebellion * in Index, 

Trevor MSB. 

Letters, including one from an eye-witness of the 
battle of Falkirk, 1746, are in 'Hist, MSS. Comm,,' 
Rept. XIV, Pt, ix. 139, 144. Onp, 130 is an account of 
the fight between the * Lion * and * Elizabeth ' on Prince 
Charleses voyage to Scotland in 1745. 

Wemyes M8S. 

Include a journal of the '45 by David, Lord Elcho, 
who took part in it. The MS, is quoted by Sir 
Walter Scott in his * Tales of a Grandfather,' and by 
Ewald in his * Life of Prince Charles,"* Vide 'Hist, 
MSS, Comrn,, Rept, iii, 423. 

Weiton UBS. 

For accounts of the battles of Falkirk and Culloden^ 
vide * Hist. MSS, Comm.,* Rept, x, Pt, i, 440 et seq. 
Letters of Bishop Sherlock with schemes for the pacifica- 
tion of the Highlands, June 1746, are on pp, 291-93. 


Anderson, John. E^say on the state of society and knowledge 
in the Highlands of Scotland, at the period of the 
Rebellion in 1745. Edin. 1827. 

Historical account of the family of Frisel or Fraser, 

' particularly Fraser of Lovat. Edin. 1825. 
Contains correspondence of Simon, Lord LovcU, 


AndmoB, Joseph. The Oliphants in Scotland, with a selec- 
tion of original documents from the Charter Chest at 
Cask. Edin. 1879. 

Andorton, Peter. Guide to CuUoden Moor, and story of the 
battle. Edin. 1867. 

Anti- Jacobin ReTiew, Tbe. Vols. xii. xiii. Lond. 1802. 

Has a series of critical articles on Homers * History 
of the Rebellion: 

Argyll The House of Argyll and the collateral branches of 
the Clan Campbell. Glasgow. 1871. 

Afholl, Duke of. History of the siege of Blair Castle in 1746. 
n.p. 1874. 

Bain, Robert. History of the ancient province of Ross. 
Dingwall. 1899. 

Chaps, xix, -xxi, deal with the Risings in Ross-shire. 

Bond, Charles. Reminiscences of a Clachnacuddin Nona- 
genarian. Inverness. 1886. 

The reminiscences of John Maclean, 

BOBwell, James. The journal of a tour to the Hebrides. 
Lond. 1785. 

Dr, Johnson^ s interview with Flora Macdonald is 
under the dates September 12 and 13. 

Boyd, William. Old Inverugie. Peterhead. 1885. 

Brand, John. The history and antiquities of the town and 
county of Newcastle upon Tyne. 2 vols. Load. 1789. 

BroKfli, Moritz. Lord Bolingbroke und die Whigs und Tories 
seiner zeit. Frankfurt. 1883. 

Brown, John. Horse subsecivse: John Leech and other 
papers. Edin. 1882. 

The article * A Jacobite Family ' gives an account of 
Moir of Stonfywood of the *45. 


Buolian, Peter. An historical and authentic account of the 
ancient and noble family of Keith, Earls Marischal of 
Scotland. Peterhead. 1820. 

Contains biographical sketches of the noblemen at- 
tainted after the Risings, 

Burton, J. Hill. The history of Scotland, from Agricola's 
invasion to the extinction of the last Jacobite insurrec- 
tion. New edit. 8 vols. Edin. 1876. 

A history of the reign of Queen Anne. 3 vols. 

Edin. and Lond. 1880. 

—^ Lives of Simon Lord Lovat, and Duncan Forbes of 
Culloden. Lond. 1847. 

Cadell, Sir Robert. Sir John Cope and the Rebellion of 
1745. Edin. and Lond. 1898. 

A defence of Cope's tactics. Cf. articles on Cope in 
the 1745-46 volumes of ' The Gentleman^ s Magazine ' 
and * The Scots Magazine, * 

Caledonian Medical Journal, The. Vols. iii. iv. Glasgow. 
1899, 19CX). 

Has a series of articles by Dr, W, A, Mcunaughton^ 
entitled * The Medical Heroes of the Forty- Five,^ 

Cameron, Alexander. The history and traditions of the 
IsleofSkye. Inverness. 1871. 

Campbell, Lord Archibald. Highland dress, arms, and orna- 
ment. Lond. 1899. 

Campbell, James. Balmerino and its Abbey : a parochial 
history. Edin. 1867. 

Some account of Balmerino in the '15, and of Lord 
Balmerino of the \^f is on pp, 2.'if>y 294. 

Caimtbers, Robert. The Highland note-book : or. Sketches 
and anecdotes. Edin, 1843. 

Clialmeni, Alexander. The general biographical dictionary of 
the most eminent persons in every nation. 32 vols. 
Lond. 181 2- 1 7. 



ObamlMni, Robert. A biographical dictionary of eminent 
Scotsmen. 4 vols. Glasgow. 1832-35. 

Domestic annals of Scotland, from the Revolution to 

the Rebellion of 1745. Lond. 1861. 

History of the Rebellions in Scotland under the 

Viscount of Dundee and the Earl of Mar, in 1689 
and 1715. Edin. 1829. 

History of the Rebellion in Scotland in 1745, 1746. 

2 vols. Edin. 1828. 

Murray of Broughton^s statement of the distribution 
of the Loch Arkaig treasure is in an Appendix to the 
1869 edit, 

The Threiplands of Fingask. A family memoir. 

Lond. 1880. 

Cliarles Edward Stuart, Count of Albany. History of 
Prince Charles Edward Stuart, called by some 'the 
Young Pretender,' but more frequently in the North, 
the Young Chevalier, or Bonnie Prince Charlie. New- 
castle. [1840?] 

Cliarles, George. History of the transactions in Scotland 
in the years 171 5- 16, and 1745-46. 2 vols. Stirling. 

Clan Cbattan. Proceedings at the dinner of the Clan in 
1898. Inverness. 1898. 

Has an Appendix ^ * Cluny of the '45,' by Provost 

Clyne, Nerval. The Scottish Jacobites and their poetry. 
Aberdeen. 1887. 

Collins, J. Churton. Bolingbroke : a historical study, and 
Voltaire in England. Lond. 1886. 

Cooke, George W. Memoirs of Lord Bolingbroke. 2 vols. 
•Lond. 1835. 

Qrawftird, George. A genealogical history of the Stewarts, 
from the year 1034 to the year 17 10. Edin. 17 10. 


CreifiTlitoii, Bishop Mandell. Carlisle. Historic Towns. Lond. 
Chap, ix, : *The Jacobite Risings, 1715-1747.' 

Cillloden. A catalc^e of the contents of Culloden House. 
Inverness. 1897. 

Includes a number of relics of Prince Charles and of 
the battle. 

Derwentwater, Earl of. History of the Earl of Derwent- 
water. His life, adventures, trial. Newcastle. [1840?] 

Diotioxiary of National Biography. 63 vols. Lond. 1885- 

The articles in this work which bear upon the Jacob- 
ite period are indexed under their subjects in the 
Subject-Index at the end of this volume. Their 
author's name is inserted in brcLckets, 

Dixon. D. D. Notes on the Jacobite movements in upper 
Coquet-dale, 17 15. 

Printed in * Archceologia jEliana : Transactions of 
the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne,^ 
vol, xvu 93 et seq. 

Dixon, W. The Jacobite episode in Scottish history. Edin. 

Doran, John. London in the Jacobite times. 2 vols. Lond. 


* Mann' and manners at the Court of Florence, 1740- 

1786. Lond. 1876. 

Founded on the letters of Sir Horcue Mann to 
Horace Walpole, 

DulMiB, £. Les demiers jours d'un exil6 [Prince Charles] : 
ou, Un tombeau ^ Rome. Rouen. 1866. 

^ La famille des Stuarts. Rouen. 1874. 

Extends from the accession of the Stuarts to the 
Scottish throne to the death of Cardinal York, 


Edgar. Genealogical collections concerning the Scottish Hoase 
of Edgar. Grampian Club. Lond. 1873. 

Has a memoir of James Edgar, the Secretary of the 
Chevalier de St. George, 

EffuUIes, Marquis d*. Le mission du Marquis d'Eguilles en 
£cosse aupr^ de Charles Edouard. Par G. Lefibvre 

In * Annates de Vicole libre des sciences politiques^ 
April 1887. 

Brikliie, Hon. Stuart. Braemar: an unconventional guide- 
book and literary souvenir. With a chapter by the 
Rev. John G. Michie. Edin. 1898. 

Bwald, Alexander C. The life and times of Prince Charles 
Stuart. New edit. Lond. 1883. 

Based largely upon the State Papers in the Record 
Office. A list of Jacobites indicted June-August 1746 
is in an Appendix. 

FUlan, A. D. Stories, traditionary and romantic, of the two 
Rebellions in Scotland in 171 5 and 1745. Lond. 

Flflhwlclc, Lieut. -Colonel Henry. A history of Lancashire. 
Popular County Histories. Lond. 1894. 
Chap. X. : * The Rebellions.^ 

Forsyth, William. In the shadow of Cairngorm. Inverness. 
Chap. xxi. : * Stories of Culloden.* 

Ttaser, Patrick. Sketch of the career of Duncan Forbes of 
Culloden. Aberdeen. 1875. 

Fraser, Sir William. The Douglas book. 4 vols. Edin. 

In vol. ii. 468 are details of the theft and restoration 
of the traditional sword of Good Sir James by the 
Highlanders in 1745. 


Fraser, Sir William. The Stirlings of Keir. Edin. 1858. 

Memoirs of James and John Stirling of Keir 
( 1 693- 1757) are on pp. 69 et seq. 

Oeorgian Bra, The : Memoirs of the most eminent persons who 
have flourished in Great Britain, from the accession of 
George the First to the demise of George the Fourth. 
Lond. 1832-34. 

Gitaon, William S. Dilston Hall : or, Memoirs of James 
Radcliffe, Earl of Derwentwater. Lond. 1850. 

Oraat, Francis J. The Grants of Corrimony. Lerwick. 1890. 

Harlawd, John. Collectanea relating to Manchester. Chetham 
Society. 2 vols. Manchester. 1866-67. 

Vol, i, has an article on * Colonel Townley attd the 
Rebellion of IT ^^.^ 

HaiTiB, George. The life of Lord Chancellor Hardwicke. 
3 vols. Lond. 1847. 

Harrop, Robert. Bolingbroke. A political study and criti- 
cism. Lond. 1884. 

Haaaell, W. von. Der aufetand des jungen Pratendenten Carl 
Eduard Stuart in den jahren 1745 bis 1746. Leipzig. 

A preliminary chapter deals with early Stuart 
fortunes and the '15. 

Hayward, Abraham. Biographical and critical Essays. 2 vols. 
Lond. 1873. 

Vol, ii, has an article on * The Countess of Albany 
and Alfieri, * 

HewitBon, Anthony. History of Preston, county of Lancaster. 
Preston. 1883. 

Hewitson, William. Memoir of Henry Bracken. 

In the * Lancaster Observer ^^ November 1889 — 
January 1890. 


Hewlett, William O. Notes on dignities in the Peerage of 
Scotland which are dormant or which have been for- 
feited. Lond. 1882. 

Hogg, James. The Jacobite relics of Scotland. Edin. 1819-21. 
A collection of the * Songs, airs, and legends of the 
adherents to the house of Stewart J* 

Holier, Henry M. The invasions of England. 2 vols. LfOnd. 
Describes the Risings at considerable letigth. 

Hntton, William. The history of Derby, to the year 17 19. 
Second edit. Lond. 181 7. 

Jefferson, Samuel. An account of Carlisle during the 
Rebellion of 1745. Carlisle. 1839. 

Forms number ix. of the * Carlisle Tracts,* 

JenrnVf Henry. The Clans of CuUoden. 

A series of articles in vols. Hi. iv, of* The Royalist.* 

Jolmee, Merideth. Prince Charlie, the Young Chevalier. 
Winchester. 1859. 

Jolly, William. Flora Macdonald in Uist. Perth. [1886.] 

Keltie, J. Scott. A history of the Scottish Highlands. 2 vols. 
Edin. and Lond. 1883. 

Xennedy, Matthew. A chronological, genealogical, and his- 
torical dissertation on the royal family of the Stuarts ; 
beginning with Milesius, and ending with King James 
the Third of England. Paris. 1705. 

Kennedy, William. Annals of Aberdeen, from the reign of 
King William the Lion to the end of 181 8. 2 vols. 
Lond. 1818. 

Killlecrankie. An account of the battle of Killiecrankie, fought 
on the 17th of July 1689. Newton-Stewart. [1800?] 

Klose, Carl L. Leben des Prinzen Carl aus dem Hause Stuart. 
Leipzig. 1842. 


Laoroix de HarUs, J. Histoire du Chevalier de St. Georges, 
Pr^tendant k la Couronne d'Angleterre, et du Prince 
Charles ^douard, son fils. Limoges. 1852. 

Laing, Malcolm. The history of Scotland, from the union of 
the Crowns on the accession of James vi. to the throne 
of England, to the union of the kingdoms in the reign 
of Queen Anne. Second edit. 4 vols. Lond. 1804. 

Lang, Andrew. Pickle the spy : or, The incognito of Prince 
Charles. Lond. 1897. 

Sketches the Princess movements and tJu disintegra- 
tion of the Jacobite party after 1745. 

The companions of Pickle. Lond. 1898. 

Studies of the Earl Marischaly Murray of Broughton^ 

-^— ^ Prince Charles Edward Stuart. Lond. 1900. 

Based on the State Papers^ the Stuart Papers at 
Windsor y and other MS. sources, 

IdiKSlKH^ William E. H. A history of England in the eighteenth 
century. 8 vols. Lond. 1878-90. 

Chap. V. of vol. ii. has a general sketch of Scottish 
development in the period. 

Lee, Vernon. The Countess of Albany. Eminent Women 
Series. Lond. 1884. 

Macanlay, Lord. The history of England, from the accession 
of James ii. 5 vols. Lond. 1849-61. 

McCarthy, Justin. A history of the four Georges. 2 vols. 
Lond. 1884-90. 

Macdonald, A. History of the Clan Donald. Vols. i. ii. 
Inverness. 1896, 1900. 

In vol. ii. 793 there is a * Memorial * relcUing to 
Mcudonald of Glengarry's losses in the '45. 

Hacdonald, Angus. A family memoir of the Macdonalds of 
Keppoch. Lond. 1885. 


Maodonald, Marshal. Recollections of Marshal Macdonald^ 
Duke of Tarentum. 2 vols. Lond. 1892. 

The Marshal was the son of Neil Maceachaitt who 
followed Prince Charles to France, A brief reference 
to that episode is in chap, i, 

Mnogngmt Alexander. The life of Flora Macdonald, and her 
adventures with Prince Charles. Inverness. 1882. 

Macgregor, Amelia G. M. History of the Clan Gr^or. 
Vol. i. Edin. 1898. 

Hackay, Charles. The Jacobite songs and ballads of Scot- 
land, from 1688 to 1746. Lond. and Gla^ow. 1861. 

Mackay, John. Life of Lieut. General Hugh Mackay of 
Scoury, Commander in Chief of the forces in Scotland, 
1689 and 1690. Edin. 1836. 

Mackay, Robert. History of the House and Clan of Mackay. 
Edin. 1829. 

Kaekensie, Alexander. History of the Camerons. Inverness. 

History of the Chisholms. Inverness. 1891. 

History of the Frasers of Lovat. Inverness. 1896. 

History of the Macdonalds and Lords of the Isles. 

Inverness. 1 881. 

History of the Clan Mackenzie. Inverness. 1879. 

History of the Madeods. Inverness. 1 889. 

The history of the Mathesons. Inverness. 1882. 

History of the Munros of Fowlis. Inverness. 1898. 

Mackenzie, John. Eachdraidh a' Phrionnsa, no bliadhna 
Thearlaich. Duneideann. 1844. 

Mackinnon, James. The union of England and Scotland : a 
study of international history. Lond. 1896. 


MacMntOBli, Charles Fraser-. An account of the confederation 
of Clan Chattan ; its kith and kin. Glasgow. 1898. 

Antiquarian notes. First and second series. Inver- 
ness. 1865-97. 

The first series contains ^Reminiscences of the Forty- 
FiveJ* The second has articles on ' Inverness- shire 
parish by parish^ with incidental references to the 

Incidents in the Risings of 17 15 and 1745. 

A portion of the Paper ^ relating to the '45 oftly^ is in 
* Trans. Gaelic Soc, of Inverness,^ vol. ii. 1-29. 

Letters concerning Simon Lord Lovat and his affairs, 


In the * Highland AlofUhly,^ vol. v. 170-76. 

Hacknightj Thomas. The life of Henry St. John, Viscount 
Bolingbroke. Lend. 1863. 

Maolean, J. P. A history of the Clan Maclean. Cincinnati. 

Hadean, John. Historical and traditional sketches of High- 
land families and of the Highlands. Dingwall. 1848. 
A new edit, [Inverness^ 1895] has some addenda; 
^Inverness in the olden time,* etc. 

Madeay, K. Historical memoirs of Rob Roy and the Clan 
Macgregor. Glasgow. 1818. 

Malcolm, David. A genealogical memoir of the most noble 
and ancient House of Drummond, and of the several 
branches that have sprung from it. Edin. 1808. 

Manchester. The Highland army in Manchester in 1745. 

An article in the * Manchester Gazette y* January 19, 

Marahall, Thomas H. The history of Perth, from the earliest 
period to the present time. Perth. 1849. 


Harsliall, William. Historic scenes in Perthshire. E^in. 

Menzies, D. P. The 'red and white* book of Menzies. 
Glasgow. 1894. 

Metcalf, John. The life of John Metcalf. York. 1795. 

* Blind Jack * Metcalf fought at Falkirk and Culloden. 
Cf. ^Metcalf John^^ in the ^Dictionary of Nat, 
Biography .^ 

Millar, Alexander H. The history of Rob Roy. Dundee. 

Mitchell, Dugald. A popular history of the Highlands and 
Gaelic Scotland, from the earliest times till the close of 
the Forty-five. Paisley. 1900. 

Morris, Mowbray. Claverhouse. Lond. 1887. 

Niohols, John. Illustrations of the literary history of the 
eighteenth century, intended as a sequel to the 
Literary anecdotes. 8 vols. Lond. 1817-58. 

Literary anecdotes of the eighteenth century. 9 vols. 

Lond. 18 12- 1 5. 

Noble, Mark. An historical genealogy of the royal House of 
Stuart. Lond. 1795. 

Noorden, Carl von. Europ'aische geschichte im achtzehnten 
jahrhundert. Diisseldorf. 1870 — . 

Norie, William Drummond-. Loyal Lochaber and its associa- 
tions. Glasgow. 1898. 

App. XXV, contaifts notes on the '45 by the grandson 
of the Keppoch of the Rising. 

Notes and Queries. Lond. 1849 — . 

Vide Indexes for many references to Jacobite affairs. 
Vide cdso * Scottish Notes and Queries.^ 

Omond, George W. T. The Lord Advocates of Scotland. 
2 vols. Edin. 1883. 


FaeiynSkl-Teiioiyn, Lieut, von. Lebensbeschreibung des 
General-Feldmarschalls Keith. Berlin. 1889. 

Fekerheadian \i,e, Neil N. Maclean]. Memoir of Marshal 
Keith, with a sketch of the Keith family. Peterhead. 

PODBOnby, Sir Henry. CuUoden. 

A series of articles on the battle in * Scottish Notes 
and Queries,^ voL iv. 

Banke, Leopold von. A history of England, principally in 
the seventeenth century. 6 vols. Oxford. 1875. 

Boilly, John. The history of Manchester. Vol. i. Man- 
chester and Lond. 1861. 

Bobertson, David. A brief account of the Clan Donnachaidh. 
Glasgow. 1894. 

Boper, William O. Lancaster and English history : the Forty- 
In * Transcu, LanccLster PhUosoph, Society ^^ 1892-93. 

Lancaster and English history : the Fifteen. 

In * Transac, Lancaster Philosoph, Society^^ 1891-92. 

Boy, Just J. E. Le dernier des Stuarts. Third edit. Tours. 


A short life of Prince Charles^ in the ' Bibliothique 
des icoles chr4tiennes.^ 

8aint-B6n6 TaiUandier, R. G. E. La Comtesse d'Albany. 
Paris. 1862. 

Scotland. Scottish national memorials. Glasgow. 1890. 

Contains an illustrated inventory of medals, portraits, 
seals i etCf of the Jacobite period. 

Scott, Sir Walter. Prose works. 28 vols. Edin. 1834-36. 
Vol. xix. 298 has an article on John Home and his 
* History of the Rebellion.'* Vol. xx. \ has a remew 
of the * Culloden Papers.^ Both appeared in the 
^ Quarterly Review. '^ 


Boott, Sir Walter. Tales of a grandfather. 7 vols. Eklin. 

The period of the Risings is treated in chaps, IxL - 
Ixxxvii, Vide alsoy ' Rod Roy * for the '15 ; 
• IVaverley * for the '45 ; • Redgauntlet ' for the dis- 
solution of Jacobite hopes in Scotland, 

Bcottiflli Antlquaiy, The. Vol. z. Edin. 1896. 

HcLs^ on pp, 71-82, * Reminiscences of the '45.' 

Shaw, Alexander M. Historical memoirs of the House and 
Clan of Mackintosh and of the Clan Chattan. Lond. 

Simpson, Robert. The history and antiquities of the town of 
Lancaster, compiled from authentic sources. Lan- 
caster. 1852. 

Sinclair, A. Reminiscences of the Grants of Glenmoriston. 
Edin. and Inverness. 1887. 

Sinclair, John. An historical account of the Clan Maclean. 
Lond. and Edin. 1838. 

Skelton, John. The great Lord Bolingbroke, Henry St. John. 
Edin. 1868. 

Sleigh, John. * The '45.' Lond. 1868. 
A lecture of 2!^ pp. 

Smail, Adam. The Forty-Five. 

In * Scots Magazine^ August — September 1895. 

Smith, W. M'Combie. Memoirs of the family of M<^Combie 
and Thoms. New edit. Edin. and Lond. 1890. 

Stanhope, Earl. History of England, comprising the reign of 
Queen Anne until the Peace of Utrecht. Lond. 1870. 

Stewart, General David. Sketches of the character, manners, 
and present state of the Highlanders of Scotland. 
2 vols. Edin. 1822. 

Includes a map of the Clan divisions. 


Stewart, General David. Remarks on Colonel Stewart's 
sketches of the Highlanders. Edin. 1823. 

Additional remarks on Colonel Stewart's sketches of 

the Highlanders. Greenock. 1832. 

Stewart, Duncan. A short historical and genealogical account 
of the royal family of Scotland, and of the surname of 
Stewart, from the first founder of that name. Edin. 

Story, Principal Robert H. William Carstares: a character 
and career of the revolutionary epoch (1689-1715). 
Lond. 1874. 

Stmtheni, John. The history of Scotland, from the Union to 
the abolition of the heritable jurisdictions in 1748. 
2 vols. Glasgow. 1827-28. 

Stuart, House of. Bibliotheca Lindesiana: Hand list of a 
collection of broadside proclamations. Lond. 1886. 
On p, 131 is a list of proclamations and declarations 
by the exiled Stuarts, 

The royal House of Stuart : illustrated by a series of 

forty plates in colours, drawn from relics of the Stuarts, 
by William Gibb. With an introduction by John 
Skelton, and descriptive notes by W. H. St. John 
Hope. Lond. 1890. 

Exhibition of the royal House of Stuart. Lond. 1889. 

A catalogue ofjcuobite pictures, relics y etc, 

Jacobite minstrelsy : with notes, and containing 

historical details in relation to the House of Stuart from 
1640 to 1784. Glasgow. 1829. 

Stuart, Andrew. Genealogical history of the Stuarts, from 
the earliest period of their authentic history to the 
present time. Lond. 1798. 

Stuart, John Sobieski and Charles Edward. Tales of the 
century : or. Sketches of the romance of history 
between the years 1746 and 1846. Edin. 1847. 


The * Tales * deal with the career of a mythical s^n 
of Prince Charles, The notes to the volume are of 
greater value as an attempt to present the Prince's 
career after the '45 in a favourable light. For the 
authors and their claim of descent from Prince Charles, 
vide Mr, H, Jennet's article in the * Genealogical 
Magazine,'' vol, i, 21-30. 

ThomBOn, Katharine. Memoirs of the Jacobites of 17 15 and 
1745* 3 ^o^s* Lond. 1845-46. 

Townend, William. The descendants of the Stuarts. Lend 

Tnlloeh, Major-General A. B. The '45. Inverness and Nairn. 

Tarnhagen yon Bnse, Carl A. L. P. Feldmarschall Jakob 
Keith. Leipzig. 1873. 

Vaugban, Robert. Memorials of the Stuart dynasty, from the 
decease of Elizabeth to the abdication of James 11. 
2 vols. Lond. 1 83 1. 

Veltoh, Professor J. Side-lights on the battles of Preston and 
In * Blackwood* s Magazine,* July 1894. 

Watt, William. Aberdeen and Banff. County Histories of 
Scotland. Edin. and Lond. 1900. 
Chap, xii, : * The Jacobite Rebellions.* 

Wliitaker, Thomas D. De motu per Britanniam civico annis 
MDCCXLV.-MDCCXLVi. Lond. 1809. 

Wldtehead, Henry. Brampton in 1745. 

In * Transac, Cumb, and Westmoreland Soc, for 
advancement of literature and science,* vol, xii, 47-65. 

WilBon, Charles T. James the Second and the Duke of 
Berwick. 2 vols. Lond. 1876-83. 

Chaps, xxiii,'Xxvi, of vol, ii. relate to the '15. 


Wolff, Henry W. The Pretender at Bar-le-Duc. 

In * Blackwood^ s Magazine,^ August 1894. 

Wright, Robert. The life of Major-General James Wolfe. 
Lond. 1864. 

Wolfe took part in the suppression of the '45. 

Wright, Thomas. Caricature history of the Georges: or, 
Annals of the House of Hanover compiled from the 
squibs, broadsides, window pictures, lampoons, and 
pictorial caricatures of the time. Lond. 1867. 

Wylde, Flora F. The autobiography of Flora M*Donald. 
Edited by her grand-daughter. Second edit. 2 vols. 
Edin. 1870. 

Wyon, Frederick W. The history of Great Britain during the 
reign of Anne. 2 vols. Lond. 1875. 



A considerable amount of local and general information is 
stored in the columns of the contemporary Press, though its files 
are not easily accessible. In the following list of English, 
Scottish, and Irish newspapers, the dates of their establishment 
are given. Of the London papers I have included only the 
official Gazette : — 

Bristol . . 

Derby . . 


Arises Gazette, 1 741. 

Felix Farley s Journal, 1715. 

The Bristol Times, 1735. 

The Chronicle, 1744. 

The Kentish Gazette, 1 7 1 7 . 

Th6 Derby Mercury, 1732. 



• • • 

Hereford .... 


Liverpool .... 

• • 


* ■ 

• • 


• • • • 

• • 

Salisbury . 


The Exeter Mercury, 1 7 1 8. 

The Protestant Mercury. 1 7 1 8. 

The Postmaster or LoycU Mercury , 1 7 1 8. 

The Hereford Journal. 171 3. 

The Leeds Mercury. 1 7 1 8. 

The Liverpool Courant. 17 12. 

The Liverpool Advertiser, 1756. 

The London Gazette. 1666. 

The Manchester Weekly Journal, 17 19. 

The Manchester Gatette, 1730. 

The Newcastle Courant. 1 7 1 1 . 

The Norwich Postman, 1706. 

The Courant, 17 12. 

The Weekly Mercury or Protestanfs 
Packet. 1720. 

The Salisbury Postman, 171 5. 

The Salisbury Journal. 1729. 
. . . The Mercury, 1695. 
. . . The Worcester Postman, 1690. 


Ptie^s Occurrences. 1700. 

The Dublin Gazette, 17 10? 

Falkener' 5 Journal, 1728. 

The Waterford Flying Post. 1729. 

The Belfast News- Letter, 1737. 

Esdaile^s News- Letter, 1744. 

• • 

• • • 


The Edinburgh Courant. 1705. 

The Scots Courant. 1706. 

The Edinburgh Gazette, 17 14. 

The Edinburgh Evening Courant, 17 18. 

The Caledonian Mercury, 1720. 

The Editiburgh Weekly Journal. 1744. 

The Aberdeen Journal. 1748. 





In the British Museum [3230 (i)] there is A map and plan of 
the town of Preston^ with the batteries and barricades of the 
rebels and the attacks of the King's forces. An account of the 
victory obtained at Preston by the Kin^s forces under the com- 
mand of General Wells, Lond. [1715] 

A plan of * The taking of the town of Preston ' is at p. 113 
of S. Hibbert Ware's The stcUe of parties in Lancashire. 


A plan of the battle by Lieutenant John Henry Bastide is in 
Dickson's The Jacobite attempt of iTi<). 


Colonel J. A. Grante's Carte oil sont trac^es les diffirentes 
routes que S, A, R. Charles Edward Prince de GaJles a suivies 
dans la Grande Bretagne [Paris. 1748] is in the British 
Museum [1135. (2)]. 

An English copy of Grante's map entitled A chart wherein 
are marked out all the different routes of Prince Edward in 
Great Britain : and the marches of his army and the E-gl-sh : 
the sieges are distinguished ^ and the battles that were fought 
in his enterprise [Edin. 1749] is in the British Museum 
[292. c. 29]. 

An undated map, published at Rome, entitled Carte de la 
Grande Bretagne et cPIrlande oh Von voit tout le cUtail de Ventre- 



prise de S. A, R, Char Us Prince de Galles, is in the possession 
of the Earl of Crawford. 

John Finlayson's map, entitled A general map of Great 
Britain; wherein are delineated the military operations in 
that island during the years 1745 ^*^ 174^, is in the Library 
of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. 

Among modern maps, by far the best is that in W. 6. 
Blaikie*s Itinerary of Prince Charles Edward, 


A plan of the battle, by 'an officer who was present,' is in 
the Library of the Royal Scottish Geographical Society. It is 
reproduced in Sir Robert Cadell's Sirfohn Cope. 

Other plans are in Home, History ; Ray, History ; Hewins, 
Whitefoord Papers ; Gentleman^ s Magazine y 1745, P* S^i- 

A non-contemporary plan, entitled Sites of the battles of 
Pinkie and Preston Pans [n. p. 1855] is in the British Museum 

[9055- (I)]. 


A rare plan is in the Library of the Society of Antiquaries, 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne. It is reproduced in Chancellor Fer- 
guson's Retreat of the Highlanders, 

Other plans are in Johnstone, Memoirs ; Dougald Graham, 
Impartial History, 


In the British Museum [7406. (2)] there is A map of the 
river Forth from Stirling to Barronstouness, A plan of the 
battle on Falkirk Muir, Jan. 17M, I74j|^. [n. p. 1746.] 

There is a plan of the battle also in Home's History. 



John Finlayson*s P/an of the battle of Culhden and the 
adjacent coutUry \}jQiAoxi, 1746?] is in the British Museum 

[91 15. (3)]. 

Other plans are in Home, History \ Scots Magazine^ 1746, 

p. 217; Ray, History \ Hewins, Whitefoord Papers \ Boyse. 

An Historical Review of the Transactions of Europe, Cf. 

^Hist. MSS. Comm,y' Rept. ii. 27. 


Note. — The Roman numerals (i), (n), (iii), refer to the three 
sections of the Bibliography : i. Contemporary Materials; ii. 
Manuscript Materials ; in. Non-Contemporary Works, The 
titles in thick type will be found in alphabetical order in each 
of the three sections, 

Abercrombv, Patrick, (iii) DietioiiMy Nat. Biog. (A. B. Grosart). 
Aberdeen, (i) Aberdeen; AlUrdyce; Andenon; Binet; Katdment; Be- 

beUton ; Spalding Olub. (ii) Aberdeen Munieipal MSB. ; Albemarle Oor- 

reqKmdeiiee. (iii) Kennedy, William ; Watt. 
yEneas and his two sons, (i) James Fruide Btnart. 
Agnew, Sir Andrew, (i) Agnew. (in) Dietlonary Nat. Biog* (H. M. 

A hob's Evil, (i) Btvart. 
Albany, Countess of. (i) AllLeri ; Foieolo ; Beunont. (ii) Braye K8B. (iii) 

Dictionary Nat. Biog. (A. C. Ewald) ; Hayward ; Lee ; Balnt-Roa^ Tail- 

Albemarle, Earl of. (ii) Albemarle Ctorreqwadence. (in) Dfetioaary Nat. 

Biog. (H. M. Chichester). 
Alberoni, Cardinal, (i) Bebelllon. 
Alexis, (i) Charles Edward Btnart ; Bydenham. 
Analecta Scotica. (i) ICaidment. 
Anderson, James, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (T. Cooper). 

John, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (E. Radford). 

Angxis, Earl of. (i) Dunkeld. 

Annandale, Marquis of. (i) Fraser, Sir William, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. 

(T. F. Henderson). 
Anne, Queen, Histories of. (i) Boyer; Lockhart ; Oldmizon. (n) Fia«h USB. 

(in) Burton ; Dictionary Nat. Biog. (A. W. Ward) ; Stanhope ; Wyon. 
Anstruther, Sir William, (in) Dictionary Nat Biog. (J. M. RiggX 
Aqua viva. Cardinal, (n) British Knsenm MBS. 
Argyle Papers, (i) Kaidment. 
Argyll, John, Duke of. (i) OampbeU, Robert ; Kaidment. (n) Argy U MBS. 

(lu) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (T. F. Henderson). 



Arnald, Richard, (in) DteUonary Nat. Biog. (A. H. BuUen). 
Amision Memoirs, (i) Omond. 

Ascamus. (i) OunpbeU, Alexander ; Oharlei Bdward Stuart. 
Asgill, John, (i) AigUl. (iii) Dietionary Nat. Biog. (Leslie Stephen). 
Ashton, Thomas, (in) Diettonary Nat. Blog. (A. H. BuUen). 
Attempts of 1708, 1719, The Jacobite. Vide Jacobite Attempts. 
Atterbury, Bishop Francis, (i) Atterbory; OIoT«r; Btaoklioiue. (in) Dic- 
tionary Nat. Biog. (J. H. Overton). ' 
Auchterarder. (i) Xaitland Olnb. 
Ayliffe, John, (in) Dietionary Nat. Biog. (G. P. Macdonell). 

Baillib of Jerviswood, George, (i) Baillio. 

Lady Grizel. (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (A. B. Grosart). 

Baine, James, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (A. B. Grosart). 
Baker, Admiral John, (in) Dietionary Nat. Biog. (J. K. Laughton). 
Balfour of Burleigh, Lord, (in) Dietionary Nat. Biog. (A. B. Grosart). 
Balmerino, Lord, (i) Balmerino ; Ford ; Kilmarnock, (in) Oampbell, James ; 

Dietionary Nat. Biog. (T. F. Henderson). 
Banff, (in) Watt. 

Barclay, Sir George, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (T. F. Henderson^ 
Bar-le-Duc. (i) Jamoa Franoii Btoart. (in) WollT. 
Battragh, W. (i) Townley. 

Belford, General William, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (H. M. Stephens). 
Berkeley, Earl of. (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (J. K. Laughton). 
Bernardi, Major John, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (T. F. Henderson^ 
Berwick, L (i) Balmerino ; Townley. 
-— Mar^chal de. (i) PeUtot ; Thornton, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (H. M. 

Stephens); Wilwn. 
Berwick, (i) Rebellion. 

Betham, Dr. John, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (T. Cooper). 
Bibliotkeca Liudesiana. (n) Crawford KB8. (in) Btnart. 
Bisset, Rev. John, (i) Bimet ; Spalding Clnb. 
Blackader, Lieut. -Col. J. (i) Orichton. (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (T. F. 

Blair Castle, (i) Blair Castie. (in) AthoU. 
Blakeney, General, Lord, (n) Albemarle Oorreapondence. (in) Dictionary 

Nat. Biog. (H. M. Stephens). 
Bland, General Humphrey. (11) Albemarle Oorreipondence. (in) Dictionary 

Nat. Biog. (H. Manners Chichester). 
Blyde, A. (i) Balmerino ; Townley. 
Bolingbroke, Viscount, (i) Bolingbroke ; Jamei FrandB Stnart ; Thornton. 

(in) Broaeh; CoUinf; Oooke ; Dictionary Nat. Biog. (Leslie Stephen); 

Harrop; llaeknight; Skelton. 
Bovgard, Colonel Albert. (11 1) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (H. M. Stephens). 


Bowles, Major-Genend Phineas. (iii) UettoBMrj ITat. Bia*. (H. M. 

Bracken, Dr. Henry, (iii) XMetlonaiy Hat. Btog. (C. W. Sutton); H«wtt- 
Mm, W. 

Bradshaw, J. (i) BaUnwliio. (iii) Dletiinury Hat. Biog. (J. Humphreys). 

Bradstreet, Dudley, (i) Braditnet. (in) Dlotioiianr Hat. Bto*. (J. T. 

Braemar. (in) EnUac. 

Brampton, (iii) Whitehead. 

Breadalbane, Earl of. (iii) IMettoiuuT Nat. Btog. (T. F. Henderson). 

Brett, Admiral Sir Petrcy. (iii) Dictlenary Hat. Blog. (J. K. LaughtonX 

Brown, John, (in) Dictionary Hat. Blog. (F. Watt). 

Rev. John, (in) Diettoaary Hat. Blog. (Leslie StephenX 

Bruce, J. (i) Oordon. 

Mr. (i) Lang. 

Buchanan, Provost Andrew, (in) Dtettoaary Hat. Blog. (T. F. Hender- 

Bulkeley, Lady Sophia, (in) Diettoaary Hat. Bieg. (J. Humphreys). 

Bumbank Papers, (i) Maldmeat. 

Burnet, Bishop Gilbert, (i) Bomet. (in) Dletloiiary Hat. Blog. (Osmund 

Byng, Admiral George, (in) Dictionary Hat. Blog. (J. K. LaughtonX 

Bjrrom, John, (i) Byrom. (in) Dictionary Hat. Blog. (Leslie Stephen). 

Calderwood, Margaret, (i) Oalderwood. (in) Dictionary Hat. Biog. (C. J. 

Cameron, Dr. Archibald, (i) Oameron ; State Triala (in) Diettoaary Hat. 

Blog. (T. F. Henderson). 
of Lochiel, Donald. (in) Dictionary Hat. Blog. (J. Westby- 


Sir Ewen. (i) Dranunoad. (in) Dictionary Hat. Blog. (T. F. HendersonX 

Miss Jenny, (i) Cameron. 

Clan, (in) Keckenxle, Alexander. 

Campbell, John, (i) Paton. 

Clan, (in) Argyll. 

Cappoch, Rev. T. (i) Balmerlno; Oappoeh. (in) Dictionary Hat. Bieg. 

(Thomas Cooper). 
Caprara, Cardinal, (n) Britlih Kvaenm M8B. 
Carew, Bamfylde M. (in) Dictionary Hat. Blog. (J. AshtonX 
Carlisle, (i) Mouuey ; Townley. (in) Creighton ; Jeffenea. 
Carlyle, Dr. Alexander, (i) Oerlyle. (in) Diottonary Hat. Blog. (F. Espin- 

Carnwath, Earl of. (i) Derwentwater. (in) Dictionary Het. Bieg. (T. F. 



Carpenter, Lord, (i) Oarptnter. (iii) IMetionary Msfe. Blof. (H. Manners 

Carstares, William, (i) CMitani. (in) Dietimuury Mat. Biog. (iEneas 

Mackay); Story. 
Carte, Thomas, (in) DictloiuuT Hat. Blog. (E. S. ShuckhurghX 
Cary, Edward, (in) DiettoiuuT Nat. Biog. (T. CooperX 
Cathcart, Lord, (in) Dietionary Hat. Biog. (W. P. Courtney). 
Catholic Nonjurors, English, (i) B«tooart. 
Chadwick, T. (i) Balmerino ; Towaley. 
Charles Edward, Prince, (i) Blaikic; Burton; Campbell, Alexander; 

Obamben ; Oharloa Edward ; Oordara ; DtnnlstoQn ; DonglMi ; Dvroy do 

Morsaa ; Fraaor, Sir William ; Frodorlek H. ; Oroi do Bom ; arooart ; 

Hoadonon ; Homo ; J«Me ; JohnitOne ; King ; Dose ; Loekltart ; Kae- 

doaald, Alexander ; Maedonald, John ; ICaoeachain ; ICaokiatoch ; ICac- 

])henoB, James ; Halum ; Maidmont ; Maxwell of Kirkconnell ; Palm ; 

Paton ; Piehot ; EeboUioa ; Kenmont. (11) AthoU MSB. ; Braye K88. ; 

Bmmmond Murray MSB. ; BUot Hodgkin MBS. ; Eolderaecie MSB. ; 

Keayoa MSB. (in) Chariei Edward Stuart; Onlloden; Dietioaary 

Hat. Biog. (A. C. Ewald) ; IHiboiB ; Ewald ; HaMoll ; Johnei ; Klote ; 

Lang ; Mackensie, John ; Stuart. 
Chattan, Clan, (i) Macpberson, Alexander, (in) Clan CDiattaa ; MacUntosli ; 

Chevalier de St. George, (i) ▲berdeen ; ArgenBoa ; AigiU ; BoUngbroke ; 

BroMWS ; Oampana de Oavelli ; Oartwrii^t ; Olarendoa Historical Society ; 

Dennistoim ; Forbes ; Forbin ; Fraser, Sir William ; CUover ; Eo<Ae ; James 

Francis Stnart ; Jesse ; Eer ; Eeysler ; Elopp ; Klose ; Leslie ; Loekbart ; 

LoTat ; Macpberson, James ; Madan ; Mabon ; Mar ; Melfort ; Paton ; 

Patten; Perth; Petitot; Pbilaletbes ; Bae; Rebellion: Saint-Simon; 

Spottiswoode Society ; Thornton. (11) AthoU MSB. ; Braye MBS. ; British 

Museum MBS. ; Dmmmond Murray MBS. ; Eliot Eodgkin MBS. ; Elphin. 

stone MBS. ; Onalterio MSB. ; Soldeniesse MSB. ; Morrison MSB. (in) 

Dictionary Hat. Biog. (T. F. Henderson) ; Kennedy ; Lang ; Roy ; 

Chisholm, Family of. (in) Mackenzie, Alexander. 
Clarke, Peter, (i) Paton ; Ware. 
Clavering, £. (i) Balmerino. 
Clement xi.. Pope. (11) British Museum MSB. 
Clerk of Penicuik, Sir John, (i) Olerk. (in) Dictionary Hat. Biog. (J. M. 

Clifton, The skirmish at. (i) Ferguson, Chancellor ; Home ; Macpberson, 


Cluny, Ewen Macpherson of. (i) Home; Macpherson, Alexander, (in) 

Clan Obattan ; Dictionary Hat. Biog. (T. F. Henderson). 

1 Vide also p. 108. 


Cochrane, Provost Andrew, (i) OoebnuM. 

ColUngwood, George, (iii) DIetloiuuT Nftt. Blog. (T. F. Henderson). 

Colquhoun, Sir James, (f) FraMr, Sir William. 

of Camstradden, Robert, (i) FraMr, Sir William. 

Coltness Collections, (i) Oaldenrood. 

Contrast^ The. (i) BebcUion. 

Cope, Sir John, (i) Ck>p« ; 0«attemaii's Iffagaitw ; Oladnrair ; Hon* ; WUU- 

foord. (ii) Britldi ICoMam MBS. (in) OadeU; Diettonanr Hat. Btog. 

(T. F. Henderson). 
Cotton, Sir J. Hynde. (iii) DtaMttnaiT Nat. Biog. (W. P. Courtney). 
Craigie, Lord Advocate, (i) Jms«. (hi) Dlettoiuay Hat. Btog. (J. M. Rigg). 
Crawford, George, (i) Bpottiswooda Boeiaty. 
Cromarty, Lord. (i> Cknrdim, Sir John ; KUnanoek. (in) IMettonaiy Hat. 

Blof . (T. F. Henderson). 
CuUoden, Battle of. (i) Allardyce ; Ohambart ; Onltodaa ; D«iiBisto«B ; Tremety 

Sir William; Hoim; Lockhart; B«b6lli(m; Bpottkwooda Bociaty. (ii) 

Oathoart MBB. ; Aadraw Laaaiidea's MSB. ; Moray MB8. ; Ordarly Book; 

Klohno&d MBB. ; Weston MBB. (in) AndonMm, Peter ; Oalloden : Fonyth ; 

Cumberland, Duke of. (i) Hoadenon; MaelacUaa; BabolUoa; WUIiaa 

Avgutu. (in) Diettonary Hat. Biog. (£. M. Lloyd). 

Dalrymplb, Sir David, (i) Datrymide ; Bpottiawoode Boeloty. 

Sir Hew. (in) Dtetionary Hat. Biog. (iEneas Mackay). 

Dangeau, Marquis de. (i) Daageau. 

Daniel, Captain, (ii) Oai>talB Daniel's MBB. 

D'Arcy, Count, (in) Dietloiiary Hat Blog. (H. M. Chichester^ 

Daun, Count, (i) Henderson. 

Dawson, J. (i) Balineriao ; Townley. (in) DlcUoiiary Hat. Biog. (Gordon 

Deacon, T. T. (i) Balmerlao ; Towaloy. (iii) Diotiooary Hat Biog. (Thomp- 

son Cooper). 
Defoe, Daniel, (i) Defoe, (ii) Harley MBB. ; Morrison MBB. (in) Dietloaary 

Hat. Biog. (Leslie Stephen). 
Demetrius Soter. (i) Oros de Boae. 
Derby, (i) Allardyee; Charles Bdward Btoart; Derby; Home; HebellioB. 

(n) Muieaster MBB. (iii) Hatton. 
Derwentwater, Earl of. (i) Derwentwater ; Qordoa; Btate Trials, (in) 

Derwentwater ; Dietloaary Hat. Biog. (T. Seccombe) ; Oibson. 
Dick, Sir Alexander, (i) Forbes, (in) Dictionary Hat. Biog. (Rob. HarrisonX 
Donald, Clan, (in) Maedonald, A. ; Mackeiude, Alexander. 
Donnachaidh, Clan, (in) Robertson. 

Draper, Sir William, (in) Dictionary Nat Blog. (H. M. Chichester)i 

1 Vide also p. 155. 


Dubois, Cardinal, (i) Dnbola. 

Du Deffand, Marquise, (i) Dn Deibad. 

Dumbarton, (i) Dennittoim. 

Dundas, Solicitor-General, (i) Omond. (iii) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (J. A. 

Dundee, Viscount, (i) Dmmmond ; Dundee ; Fraser, Sir William ; ICackaj ; 

Maidment ; Naivier ; Philip. (11) Fleming M8S. ; Hamilton MSB. *, Bnther- 

land H88. (in) Ghambers; Dictionary Nat. Biog. (T. F. Henderson); 

Dundee, (i) Dvndee. 
Dunkeld. (i) Dmikeld. 

Edgar, James, (iii) Edgar. 

Edinburgh, (i) Edinbnrgh ; Uaitland ; Kebelllon ; Rue ; Spalding Olnb . 

Edinburgh Packet openedy The. (i) Rebellion. 
Egerton MSS. (11) British Muenm HS8. 
Eguilles, Marquis d*. (i) Egnilles ; Pichot. (in) EgniUes. 
Elcho, Lord. (11) Wemyie KSS. 

Elgin, Earl of. (in) Dletionaxy Nat. Biog. (T. F. Henderson). 
Europe^ The general history of, (i) Mercury. 
Europe y The present state of. (i)Mercnry. 

Falkirk, Battle of. (i) Egvillei ; Falldrk ; Home ; Rebellion ; Sheridan ; 

Spalding Club, (n) Andrew Lvmlsden'i MSB.; Moray MBS.; Richmond 

MSB. ; Stewart MBS. ; Trevor MSB. ; Weiton MBS. (i 1 1) Veitch. 1 
Ferguson, Robert, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (T. F. Henderson). 
Fletcher of Saltoun, Andrew, (i) Fletcher, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (F. 


G. (i) Balmerino ; Townley. 

Forbes, Lord-President Duncan, (i) Allardyce ; Cnlloden ; Gordon, Sir John ; 

Home ; Rose, (n) Ron MSB. ; Sutherland MSS. (in) Barton ; Dictionary 

Nat. Biog. (Leslie Stephen) ; Fraeer. 
Bishop Robert, (i) Chambers ; Forbes, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. 

(James Cooper). 
Forbin, Comte de. (i) Forbin. 
Forfar, Lord, (i) Maidment. 
Forfeited Jacobite Estates, (n) Forfeited Estates Commission; Public 

Records of Scotland, (in) Hewlett. 
Forster, Thomas, (i) Newgate, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (A. Nicholson). 
Fort Augustus, (n) Albemarle Correspondence. 
Foscolo', Niccol6. (i) Foscolo. 

1 Vide also p. 129. 


Fraser, Clan, (in) Andenoii, John. 
Frederick the Great, (i) Frederlek XX. 

Gallienus Redivhms. (i) OleBeoa. 

Galloway, (i) A«n«w. 

Gardiner, Colonel James, (i) X>oddrMg«. (iii) DiflttoMury Hat. Bioc (T. F. 

Garth, Sir Samuel, (i) Jamea Ftaaidfl Btwurl 
Gartmore MS. (i) Burt 
Gascoigne, R. (i) Gordon. 
Gask, Oliphants of. (i) Olipliaat. 
Gatt, James, (ii) Jamoi OaU's KB. 
George I. , Histories of the reign of. (i) Oldnixon ; Bapia-Thoyras ; BabeHioa ; 

Salmon, (iii) DietioBaxy Hat. XUog. (A. W. Ward) ; Iff'Oarihy. 
George II., Histories of the reign of. (i) Hexvoy ; Smollett ; Walpolo. (iii) 

DictUmary Nat. Biog. Q. M. Rigg) ; IC'Carthy. 
Glasgow, (i) Ooehraae. 

Glencoe. (i) Dnadee, Viscount ; Gleneoo ; Ualdmeat. 
Glenshiel, Battle of. Vide Jacobite Attempt of 1719. 
Glover, Richard, (i) Olovar. 
Gordon, Admiral. (11) Dmmmond Hurray MBS. 

Sir John, (i) Ctordon. 

John, (i) Ctordon. 

of Avochy, John, (i) Maidment. 

Duke of. (Ill) Dictionary Hat. Biog. (J. Tait). 

Graham, Dougal. (i)Oraham. (i 11) Dictionary Hat. Biog. (W. G. Black). 

John, (i) Stote Trialf. 

Grameid, The. (i)PhiUp. 

Granby, Marquess of. (11) Bvtland M8S. 

Grange, Lord, (i) Spalding Olnb. 

Grant, Sir Ludovick. (i) Fraior, Sir William. 

Grants of Corrimony, The. (in) Grant. 

of Glenmoriston, The. (in) Sinclair, A. 

Grey, Mary, (i) Clarendon Historical Society. 

Grimm, Baron de. (i) Grimm. 

Gualterio, Cardinal, (n) British Miuevm MSB. ; Gnalterio ICSS. 

Guthrie, Gideon, (i) WMght. 

Hall, J. (i) Gordon. 

Hamilton, J. (i) Balmerino. 

-'— Duke of. (in) Dictionary Hat. Biog. (Alsager Vian). 

Hamilton, (i) Maidment. 

Hardwicke, Lord Chancellor, (in) Harris. 

MSS. (li) British Mnseiim MSB. ; Beafleld MSB. 


Harley, Robert (Lord Oxford). (11) Barley MSt. (in) IMetluuHT >»*. Uog. 
(G. F. R. Barker). 

Haversham, Lord, (i) EtbelUon. 

Hawley, General, (i) Bdlabvrgh. (iii) IMetlOBary H**. Btog. (H. M. 

Hay of Restabrig, John, (i) Home. 

John (Earl of Inverness), (in) Diettonary Vat Uoff. (T. F. Hender- 

Hesse, Prince of. (i) Bdiabwgli. 

Hessians t lourtuU of route with the. (11) Btnart MBS. 

Highla$uUr Delineaied, The. (i) EigUaiidi. 

Highlands, The. (i) AUardyee ; Kmnie ; But ; DnouMmd ; Dwidee, Vis- 
count ; Tltglil anils ; Jokastmi; Lang ; Logan ; Ifaodoiaald, Charles ; ?att«n; 
Rebellion ; Boso ; Wbltofoord. (n) WeiUm MBS. (in) Aadonon, John ; 
OampboU ; OarrailMn ; Jennar ; Xtltle ; Mitehell ; Stewart. 

Historical Register, (i) BebeUion. 

Home, John, (i) Home, (in) Antt-JaeoUa Bovlew ; Dletlonary Hat. Biog. 
(F. Espinasse); Seott. 

Hoolce, Nathaniel, (i) Hooke. (in) Dictionary Hat. Biog. (W. A. J. 

Hume, Sir David, (i) Hvme. 

Invbrnbss. (i) LmAhart ; MaeUntosh. (11) Albemarle Oorrespoadenee. 
Inverugie. (in) Boyd. 

Jackson, Lt.-Col. (11) Albemarle Oorrespoadenee. 

Jacobite attempt of 1708, The. (i) Forbia ; Ho<Ae ; James Fraaels Stuart ; 

Tiockhart; XaepliersoB, James; Xacky; Madan; Melfort; Mercury; 

BebelUon ; HorUi^Britain. (n) Montrose MSS. 

of 17 19, The. (i) LocUurt ; Mercury ; BebelUon. (n) Argyll MSS. 

prisoners and trials, (i) Allardyee ; Dalrymple, Sir David ; Mackay, 

William ; Maachofter ; Hewgate ; Paton ; BebelUon ; Bose ; Spottiswoode 

Society : WUkiaaoa ; York. (11) Aberdeen Mnnieipal MSS. ; OarUsle MBS. ; 

FiUsherbert MSB. ; ?erth Municipal MBS. (in) Bwald. 

> songs, (i) Charles Bdward Btnart. (in) dyne ; Hogg ; Mackay. 

James II. (i) Balcaxres; Oampaaa de OavelU; Clarke; Olareadon Historical 

Society ; Dalrymple, Sir John ; James Francis Btnart ; Klopp ; Madan. 

(in) Macanlay ; TanghaB ; Wilson. 
Johnstone, Chevalier de. (i) Johnstone, (in) Dictionary Hat. Biog. (J. G. 

lordan-Hill Papers, (i) Maidment. 

Keith, Field-Marshal, (i) Henderson; Hetth. (n) Blpklnstone MSS. (in) 
Bnchan; Dletlonary Hat. Biog. (F. Hindes Groome); Paci]miki-Tencsyn: 
FeteriMadian ; Vamhagen. 


Keith, family of. (in) 

Kenmure, Viscount, (i) Dtrwmtwator ; Ctordon. (in) Dletloaary H^t. Blof. 

(T. F. Henderson). 
Ker of Graden, Colonel, (i) CHuunbers. 
of Kersland, John, (i) Kar. (lu) Dictionary Hat. Biog. (T. F. 

Keysler, Johann. (i) Keyder. 
KiUiecrankie, Battle of. (in) KUU«eraiikia. 
Kilmarnock, Earl of. (i) Ford ; Foffter ; mimamock. (in) Dietloaary Hat. | 

Biog. (N. Groves). | 

Kindeace Letters, (i) Xom. 

King, William, (i) Xlag. (in) Dietioury Hat. Biog. (G. A. Aitken). 
Kirk, Colonel, (i) Lo^ AlA. 
Knox, J. (i) Ctordon. 

Lancashire, (i) War*, (in) Flahwiek. 

Lancaster (i) Tildedoy. (in) Sinipaoa. 

Layer, Christopher, (i) Layor. (in) Dictionary Hat. Biog. (G. Goodwin). 

Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm. (i) Klopp. ! 

Leith, A. (i) Balmorino. 

Leslie, Charles, (i) Loslio. 

Leven and Melville, David, Earl of. (i) Bobellion. (in) Dictionary Hat. 
Biog. (T. F. Henderson). 

Papers, (i) Melvillo. 

Ligonier, Field-Marshal, (in) Dictionary Hat. Biog. (H. M. Chi- 

Lochaber. (in) Horie. 

Loch Alsh. (i) Loch Alsh. 

Lochgarry^s Memorial, (i) BlaiUe. 

Loch Lomond Expedition, (i) Dennlatonn. < 

Lockhart, George, (i) Lockhart. (in) Dictionary Hat. Biog. (T. F. \ 

Henderson). ' 

Papers, (i) Lockhart. 

Logan, William, (i) Logan. 

London, (in) Doran. 

Lorraine, Due de. (i) Janoi Franeii Btvart. 

Loudoun, Earl of. (ii) Albeaaarlo Oorroiivondonco. (in) Dictionary Hat. Biog. 
(T. F. Henderson). 

Lovat, Lord, (i) Arlrathnot; Atholl; OnUoden; Dmmmond ; Ftasor, 
James ; FrMwr, Major ; Fraier, Sir William ; Lovat ; ICaoplioraoB, 
Alexander ; Bpaldlng Olub ; Bpottiawoode Society, (n) Bntlierland 1IB8. 
(in) Andenon, John : Barton; Dictionary Hat. Biog. (T. F. Henderson); 

Loyall Dissuasive y The. (ii) Loyall Diiraacivo. 


Lumisden, Andrew, (i) DdsalstoiUL (11) LuBladea MSB. (lu) Sietteiukry 

Nat. Blog. (T. F. Henderson). 
Lyon, R. (i) BAlnMrlao. 
Lyon in Mourning, (i) Obunbwi ; Forbes, Bp. Robert. 

Macallester, Oliver, (i) XaeaUeiter. 

M'Combie, Family of. (iii) Bmitli. 

Macdonald of Glengarry, Alastair. (11) lUcdonald of Glongftrry'i MB. 

Lattor-Book. (iii) Lang. 

D. (i) Balmerino. 

Flora, (i) Home ; Macdoaald, Alexander, (in) Betwell ; Dletlonary 

Hat. Biog. (T« F. Henderson) ; J0U7 ; Kaecregor, Alexander ; 


John, (i) MaedonaUI. 

of Glengarry, John, (in) Macdonald, A. 

of Keppoch, Clan, (in) Mandomld, Angus. 

Macdonell of Barisdale, Archibald, (i) Maodonald. 

Colonel John, (i) Maodonell. 

Maceachain, Neil, (i) BlaiUe ; Maceaehain. (in) MacdonaM, Marshal. 
Macgregor, Clan, (i) Donnistoiin ; Hlmmo. (11) Dmican Macpbarlc. (in) 

Maogrogor; Maeleay. 
Mackay, Major>General Hugh, (i) Maekay. (n) Hamilton MSB. (in) 

Dlettonary Hat. Blog. (T. F. Henderson); Maekay. 

Clan, (in) Maekay, Robert. 

Mackenzie, Clan, (i) Loch Alah. (in) Maoktnaie. 

Mackintosh of Borlum, Brigadier William. (i)Bosa. (in) Dictioiiary Hat. 

Blog. (H. M. Chichester). 

Clan, (in) Bbaw. 

Macky, John, (i) Macky. 
Maclean, Clan, (in) Madeaa ; BlBolair, John. 
Macleod, Lord, (i) Frasec, Sir William ; Oordon, Sir John ; Bosa. 
—' Clan, (in) Maekonslo, Alexander. 
Macneil, Captain, (i) Loch AUb. 

Macpharic or MacgregOf*s MS.f Duncan, (i) Hlmmo. (n) Duncan Mac- 
Macpherson, Captain James, (i) Macphenon. 
Manchester, (i) Byrom ; Maacbeiter ; Towaley. (n) Kenyon MBB. (in) 

Harland ; Maacbeitor ; SolUy. 
Mann, Sir Horace, (i) Mabon ; Walpolo. (in) Dictionary Hat. Blog. (T. 

Seccombe) ; Doran. 
Manners, Lord George. (11) Bvtlaad MBB. 
Mansfield, Lord, (i) Mansfield. 
Mar,.Earl of. (i) Allardyee; BoUngbroko;. Hardwicko ; Macpherson, Alex< 

ander ; Maidmeat ; Maitland Olvb ; Mar ; Patten ; Rebellion ; Bherifinidr ; 


Biaalair ; nontoiL (iii) CMuuBbnt ; JMefetourr H«t. Bio(. (X. F. Honder- 

Marchmont, Earl of. (iii) TiMA$muj Hat. Blog. (G. F. R. BakerX 

Papers, (i) Marmfciawt. 

Marischal, George, Earl, (ii) Bpliiiiston* MBS. (iii) Mettonary Hat. Bfof. 

(T, F. Henderson). 
Marlborough, Duke of. (in) Dietfoaary Ha*. Bi0g. (Leslie Stephen). 
Mary of Modena, Queen, (i) Kadaa. (in) Diettonary Hat. Blof. <A. W. 

Matheson, Family of. (iii) Maokaaiie, Alexander. 
MatignoD, Mar^chal de. (i) Hooka. 
Maxwell, James, (i) Maxw^U of XiikeoBMU. (in) IMetloaary Hat. Bioff. (T. 

F» Henderson). 
Melfort, Duke of. (i) MoUort ; Bpottimroodo Bodoty. (iii) TAMamarj BM. 

Bioff. Q. G. Alger). 
Melville, George, Earl of. (l) Raior, Sir William ; MoMUo. <ni) Dic- 
tionary Hal Blog. (T. F. Henderson). 
Melville, General, (i) Blair Oartle. 
Metcalf, John, (in) Ketealf. 
Miller, Captain, (i) lovat. 
Milton, Lord, (i) Homo. 
Miscellanea Scotica, (i) Kaldnoat. 
Mitchell, Sir Andrew, (i) Bi«Mt, Andrew. . (ii) BritLA MoMva MBS. (in) 

Dletlonary Hat. Blog. (F. Espinasse). 
Modena, Duke of. (ii) BritIA Mwoua MSB. 
Moidart. (i) Macdonald, Charles. 

Motr of Stoneywood, James, (i) SpaUUag Gtnb. (in) Bnnm. . 
Morgan, D. (i) Balmorlao ; Townloy. { 

Muirlaggan. (i) Homo. i 

Munro of Foulis, Sir Robert, (i) Roto. t 

family of. (in) Manltoiirio, Alexander. | 

Murray, Lord George, (i) Atboll ; Blaiklo ; Blair Oaatto ; Ohambort ; WSMtvm ; ] 

Homo ; Bpottiawoodo Bodety. (ii) AthoU USB. (iii) DIstto&ary Hat. 

Biof . (T. F. Henderson). 
of Broughton, John, (i) Mvray of Brovi^toa. (in) Okambai; 

Dictionary Hat. Blog. (T. F. Henderson). 

Nairn, Lord, (i) Dorwontwator. (in) DtcUoaaay Hat. Blog. (T, F. 

Nairn, (i) Hone. 

Newcastle MSS. (n) British Mwmna uam. - 

Newcastle-upon-Tyne, (i) Piekcrlng ; BobeUioa ; Wesley. <iu) BNad. 
Nicolson, Bishop, (i) Faten. (iit) INotloMxy Hat. ^Btag. (W. P 

Courtney). i 


l*Iithsdale, Earl of. (i) AatttwrtM; DwwmtMtor; Vtmw, Sir William. 

(in) Dlttfetonaiy Ma*. Btog. (T. F. Henderson^ 
Nugiu Derelictae. (i) llaidaent. 

Occasional Writer^ The. (i) Ocaat. 

Ochttrtyre MSS. (i) Baauay. 

Oliphant of Gask, Laurence, (i) Oliphaai. (in) Andarwm, Joseph ; Diettonary 

Mat. Blog. (T. F. HendersonX 
Oracle of Avignon, (i) JasMi Frauds Stuart. 
Orleans, Duchesse d'. (i) OrUaaa. 
Ormonde, Duke of. (i) BabelUon. (n) BUot HodckJa MBS. (ni) Diettonary 

Mat. BiOff. (A. W. Ward). 

Papers, (n) BUot HodgUn K88. 

Oxburgh, Colonel, (i) Ckurdon. (ni) Diottonary Mat. Btog. (T. SeccombeX 

Fatten, Rev. Robert, (i) Fatten, (ni) Dictionary Mat. Uog. (H. Paton). 
Patullo, Mr. (i) Home. 

Paul, Rev. . (i) Oordon. 

Perth, Duke of. (i) liaidmont. (ni) Dictionary Mat. Biog. Q. G. Alger). 

Earl of. (i) P«rth. (ni) Dictionary Mat. Biog. (Osmund Airy). 

Perth. (i)Pertli;8pottinrood« Society. (n)P«rtliMuiieipalK8S. (ni)KardialL 

Perthshire, (ni) KardiaU. 

Portland, Earl of. (ni) Dictionary Mat. Blog. (A. W. Ward). 

Power, (Lionel, (i) Palm. 

Preston, Battle of. (i) Oarpontor ; Paton ; Ware, (ni) Hcwltfon. 

Prestongrange, Lord, (i) Grant, (in) Dlctimwry Mat. Biog. (G. F. R. 

Prestonpans, Battle of. (i) Cope ; Doddridgo ; FftuMr, Sir William ; Olada- 

mnir. (n) Andrew Lnmiadon'i 1C88. (in) Toitch.l 

Rae, Peter, (i) Bao. (ni) Dietioaary Mat. Biog. (E. L Carlyle). 

Ramsay, John, (i) Baaiay. 

Ratcliffe, Charles, (i) Penrioo ; BatoliJb. 

Ray, James, (i) Bay. (in) Diettonary Mat. Biog. (A. Nicholson). 

Revolution in Scotland (1689). (i) Balearres ; Dalrympla, Sir John ; Dram- 

mond; Dvndoo, Viscount; Dnnkdd; Ptaaor, Sir William; Highlands ; 

Kackay ; Kaephenoii, James ; MeMllo ; Kereiiry ; Mapior ; Philip. 

(11) DonUt^ MSS.; Domeatie State Papon; Fleming XSS. ; Hamilton 

MSS. (in) Ohamben ; Kkduy, John ; Konis ; Story. 
Ripperda, Baron. (11) British Mnwvm MSS. 
Rising of 17x5. (i) Aberdetn ; Allardyeo ; BoUnghroke ; OamplMU, Robert ; 

Oarpontor ; Olarondon Historieal Soeio^ ; Orlehton ; OiUodon ; Dal- 

rymplo, Sir David; Donnlstoin; DnalNur; Dnndoe; Baglaad; Fkraser, 

Sir William ; Oonifal AiiamUy ; Oovten, John ; Oraat ; fhmart ; James 

1 Vide also p. 73. 


Fnncia Btaart ; K«ltli; Loekhart ; Lorat ; lIMky ; KacplMiwB, Alexander 
lUhoa ; lU<la«Bt ; KaitUnd ; Kaitlaad Olub ; Kar ; Mtffort ; Marevry 
R«wgat« ; Patoa ; FattoB ; Pearle* ; P«rtli ; PhilatothM ; Baa ; Bapla 
Thoyraa; Batcltfls; Baballion; Boaa; Salmon; Blierlfimiiir; Riwrlalr 
Bpottiawooda BoeU^; Btata Trials; Btvart; Wallaea; War*; Wodrow 
Wright, C. (ii) Ab«rd««n Knnldpal MSB. ; ArgyU MSB. ; Qravford MSB. 
DomMtle Btate Pap«n ; Dnmmoiid Murray MSB. ; Flamlag MBS. ; Emm 
Offle« Bawwds ; LiTamMi KBB. ; Marehmont MBB. ; KontroM MBB. ; Pnrtk 
Kvaieipal KBB.; Trearary Papara. (in) Bala; Burton; OhMBibari; 
Charlaa; Orali^ton; FUlan; Flihwlck; HaMwU; Howitaom; Hoalar; 
Bopar; Boott; Thomaon; Watt 

Rising of 1745. (i) Allardyc* ; AthoU ; Balmarlno ; Blggi ; Blaaat ; Blatkia ; 
Blair Oaatl* ; Boyaa ; Browne ; Cameron ; Oampbell, Alexander ; Cnzlylo ; 
Cbambart ; Oharlea Edward Btmart ; Oopa ; Gordara ; Oalloden ; Dennis- 
tovn ; Derliy ; Doddridge ; Douglas ; Dunbar ; Dvrey de Korsan ; Bdtaibnri^ ; 
Sgvilles; England; Falkirk; Fergnaon; FMser, Sir William; Ooneral 
Assembly ; Qentleman's Hagailne ; CHadsmvlr ; Ckvdon, Sir John ; 
Oraham ; Grant ; Orosart ; Henderson ; Home ; Jesse ; Johnstone ; XU- 
mamock ; Hose ; Lang ; Lockhart ; Lovat ; Kacdonald ; Kaceaclialn ; 
Kackay, William; Xackintosh; ICaelachlan; Kaqidierson, Alexander; 
ICacpherson, James ; Mahon ; Maldment ; Maltland ; Marehaat ; XaxweU 
of Klrkoonnell ; Konnsey ; Kvrray of Bronghton ; Ninuno ; Omond ; Palm ; 
Paton ; Plehot ; Pickering ; Bamsay ; Bay ; Bebellion ; Boss ; Tho Boymllst ; 
The Boots Magarine ; The Beottlsh Jonmal ; Bheridan ; Bmollett; Bpalding 
Olub ; Bpettlswoode Bociety ; BUte Trials ; Btewart ; Btirling ; Btoart ; 
Sydenham ; Townley ; Wesley ; Whitefoord ; Wilkinson ; miliam Augustas ; 
Wright. (11) Aberdeen Municipal MSB.; Atholl MSB.; British Kuaoum 
MSB.; Oatheart MSB.; Carlisle MSB.; Crawford KBB. ; Captain Daniel's 
KB.; Domestic State Papers ; Drummond Knrray KBB.; Fitaherbart KBB.; 
Fleming KBB.; James flatt's KBB.; Home Offloe Beoorda; LiTamasa KBB.; 
Kenyan KBB.; Lawson KBB.; Lonsdale KBB.; Andrew Lumladen's KBB.; 
Duncan Kacpharic; Koray KBB.; Korriaon KBB.; Kuncaater KBB.; 
Orderly Book; Perth Kualeipal KBB.; Biehmond KBB.; Boxburghe KBB.; 
ButlandKBB.; BeafteldKBB.; Signet Library KBB. ; Btewart KBB.; Stuart 
KBB. ; Sutherland KBB. ; Trevor KBB. ; Wemyss KBB. ; Weston KBB. (in) 
Anderson, Peter; Bain; Brand; Burton; Cadell; Caledonian Kadical 
Journal ; Chambers ; Charles ; Oralghton ; Doran ; Bwald ; FUlaa ; FiSh- 
wlek ; Harland ; Hassell ; Eewitson ; Hosier ; Jefferson ; Kaadiestar ; 
Kacklntosh ; Ketealf ; Norie ; Boper ; Scott ; Scottish Antiquary ; Sleigh ; 
BoBall ; Struthars ; Thomaon ; Tulloeh ; Veiteh ; Watt; Whitaker ; White- 
head ; Wright, Robert 

Robinson of Hartbum, John, (i) Boyalist. 

Rob Roy Macgregor. (i) Dennistoun. (11) Kontrose KBB. {y\\) Dictionary 
Nat. Blog. (T. F. Henderson) ; Kadeay ; Klllar. 


Rose of Kilravock, Alexander, (i) Rom. 
Ross of Kindeace, David, (i) Bom. 

of Pitcalny, Alexander. (11) Son K8S. 

Ross-shire, (iii) BaIh. 

Roxburghe, Duke of. (11) Bozbnriphe 1C88. 

Saint-Simon, Due de. (i) Daageau ; Baint-Simon. 

Scotch Adventure f The. (i) Oharlea Edward. 

Seaforth, Lord. (1) Rom. 

Sempil, Lord. (11) Albemarle Correipondence. 

Sheridan, Sir Thomas, (i) Sheridan, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (E. L 

Sheriffmuir, Battle of. (i) Maidment; SherUEnrair; Bpottiswoode Society. 

(11) MontroM KSS. 
Sherlock, Bishop. (11) Weiton KSS. 
Signet Library MSS. (11) Signet Library KSS. 
Sinclair, John, Master of. (i) Sinclair, (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (T. F. 

Skye. (in) Cameron. 

Sobieski, Princesse Maria Clementina, (i) Gilbert ; Jamee Frands Stnart. 
Sophia, Electress. (i) Klopp. 
Stair, Earls of. (i) Graham, John M ; Hardwicke ; Henderran. (n) Cathcart 

KSS.; Stair KSS. (in) Dictionary Nat. Biog. (iEneas Mackay; T. F. 

Henderson ; H. Manners Chichester). 
Steele, Sir Richard, (i) Kar. 
Stewart, Provost Archibald, (i) Stewart. 
Stirling of Keij, James, (in) Fnwer, Sir William. 

John, (in) Fnunr, Sir William. 

Stirling, (i) Home ; Stirling, (n) Albemarle Oorreipondenee. 

Stirlingshire, (i) Nimmo. 

Stowe MSS. (11) Britiih Kuevm KSS. 

Strachan, Patrick, (i) Allardyce. 

Strange, Sir Robert, (i) DenniBtonn. (n) British Kwemn KSS. (in) 

Dictionary Nat. Biog. (Coutts Trotter). 
Stuart, Captain James, (i) Spalding Club. 

House of. (i) Klopp ; Kahon ; Peyton ; Stuart ; Thornton, (in) Craw- 

fkird ; Dubois ; Kennedy ; Noble ; Stewart ; Stuart ; Townend ; Vaughan. 

Papers, (i) Bell ; Browne ; Campana de Cavelll ; Glover ; Kacphenmn ; 

Kadan; Kabon; Thornton, (in) Lang. 

Sutherland, Earl of. (i) FraMr, Sir William, (n) Sutherland KSS. 
Sydall, Thomas, (i) Balmerino ; Townley. 
Sydenham, Henry, (i) Sydenham. 

Tarentum, Duke of. (in) Kacdonald, Marshal. 
Thistle, The. (i)Kanifleld. 



Thorns, Family of. (in) Bmlth. 

Tildesley, Thomas. (i)Ti]dad«7. 

Tindal, Nicholas, (i) Bapin-ThoyrM. 

TowneUy Jacobite MSS. (i) OroMrt. 

Townley, Francis, (i) Towiil«y. (in) Dictionary Hat. Blog. (A. Nicholson),* 

Tr^mouille, Cardinal de la. (ii) Britidi KuMun MSB. 
Tullibardine, Marquis of (Duke of Atholl). (i) AtholL (ii) DrwuMBd 

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